Carol Eastman (1991:66) stellt die Hypothese auf, dass im Swahili bestimmte Lehnworter zunächst in das Klassenpaar 5/6 - quasi als einer Art Zwischenlager - kommen, bevor sie bei der endgültigen Integration in die Sprache dem Klassenpaar 9/10 zugeordnet werden. Damit widerspricht sie der etablierten Annahme, dass Lehnwörter, wenn sie einmal in einer Sprache integriert sind, sich bezüglich ihrer Klassenzugehörigkeit nicht anders verhalten als andere Wörter und dass sie diese normalerweise nicht wechseln. Im Folgenden wollen wir aufzeigen, dass Eastmans Hypothese nicht haltbar ist und dass andere Erklärungen für das Nebeneinander verschiedener Klassenzugehörigkeiten von Lehnwortem gefunden werden müssen. Um die Hypothese einer kritischen Überprüfung zu unterziehen, ist es zunächst nötig, festzustellen, wie die inhärenten Nominalklassen im Swahili bestimmt werden. Dann wird die traditionell postulierte automatische Paarung der Singular- und Pluralklassen für die betreffenden Lehnwörter in Frage gestellt. Zunächst aber soll untersucht werden, welche Kriterien das Allokationsverhalten von Lehnwörtern in Nominalklassensprachen im allgemeinen und im Swahili im besonderen bestimmen. Dabei sollen nur die primär entlehnten Formen berücksichtigt werden, d.h diejenigen Formen, die als erste mit bestimmten entlehnten Wortstämmen gebildet worden sind (z.B. 0-pera/ ma-pera (Kl 5/6) \'Guajave\'), während die hier von derivierten Formen (z. B. m-pera/ mi-pera \'Guajavenbaum\') weitgehend unberücksichtigt bleiben.

The history of Waswahili in Germany before the end of World War II, their life histories and living conditions have not as yet been subject of scientific research. In the period before the colonial occupation of Africa Africans came to Germany in small numbers voluntarily or as victims of violent abduction (Martin 1993). The Germans were interested in the exotic looks of the foreigners, but did not care about their regions of origin. Africa was the unknown black continent, terra incognita, its inhabitants indiscriminately `blacks´ or `negroes´. Their homelands and ethnic or linguistic identities remained obscure, relevant only to a small group of researchers with an early interest in the continent and its peoples. Concerning the so-called Swahili people from Eastern Africa who came to Germany from the colonial period on, one has to keep in mind that until the end of the forties their identities were usually defined by their knowledge of Kiswahili, not by their actual ethnic or linguistic origins. In this article some stories are told about Swahili- speaking people from the former colony of German East Africa, now Tanzania, who came to Germany temporarily or permanently and for different reasons left traces in written records, which help us to reconstruct parts of their biographies.

This paper discusses the conflicts between some cultural practices of the Midzichenda (i. e. divination, healing and witchcraft) and the Kenyan Law. For decades, diviners and healers have been misconceived and condemned wholesale as `witchdoctors´, `wizards´ or `witches´. This misconception has seen many innocent diviners and healers mercilessly arrested, hurriedly arraigned in court, heavily fined and (or) eventually imprisoned, and their paraphernalia confiscated and finally destroyed by the state. The paper calls for proper understanding of the intricate belief in and practise of divination and healing vis-a-vis witchcraft and proposes ways which could help solve the conflicts.

Lugha inaweza kutumiwa kwa njia ya ubunifu wenye ufasaha ufaao ili kuwasiliana au pia ikatumiwa visivyo na kwa njia potovu. Ni nini hasa maana ya kutumia lugha kwa njia potovu? Pengine ni rahisi kueleza kinyume chake. Mtumiaji wa lugha mwenye ubunifu huzingatia rasimali zote za lugha. Mwandishi maarufu wa fasihi barani Afrika, Chinua Achebe, huitumia lugha kama kituo kilicho hai na pia kuendelea. Katika juhudi za kuifanya lugha kumwezesha kutoa maoni, maelekezo, habari na hisia, mtumiaji kama huyu hutambua kuwa lugha ikitumiwa ipasavyo huleta uhai katika taaluma ya mawasiliano. (Luvai, 1991: 60) Hata hivyo, katika Kenya, kiwango che ubora wa uandishi kwa jumla kimeshuka sana katika miaka ishirini iliyopita. Makala hii itachunguza kwa muhtasari ushahidi wa matumizi yasiyofaa ya lugha ya Kiswahili katika vyombo vya habari km. redio, televisheni na magazeti.

In Swahili language proficiency is measured in terms of a speakers knowledge and use of methali (proverbs), misemo (sayings), mafumbo (riddles) and vijembe (sharp comments). The aim of the paper is to show the different uses of mafumbo and vijembe. Their meanings are at first sight hidden to the addressee, but understood in the context of their use. Mafumbo can be used as teasing, as circumscription for parts of the body of which it is taboo to speak of, as moral reprimands and warnings, and as a secret language between intimate partners or groups of people. Vijembe - `What cuts more than a knive? - the tongue´ - are used on kanga and in newspapers. An important feature of vijembe is that it always asks for an answer, therefore has a strong aspect of competition.

The essay critically discusses the confusing state of the various Swahili language policies and studies brought forth in the colonial and post-colonial periods and examines the historical factors of the diversity within the Swahili language, which was once confined to the coastal area and later spread to the present area of distribution. The discussion focusses on the construction of Standard Swahili and the status of Swahili in regard to other East African languages. Special criticism is raised against recent East African and other authors, who wrote on the apparent unity of the Swahili language which they see as a result of the modern Tanzanian language policy.

Different labels have been used for marking the reciprocity in Swahili dialogue poetry, varying between the more neutral `malumbano´ or `kujibizana´ and the more marked `ukinzani´ or `mashindano´. By showing a sample from the Zanzibari newspaper Mwongozi (1956) of a poetic dialogue on wife-husband relationships, the paper argues that the poetical form and the strong language used are not a mere expression of what has been called `rivalry´, but instruments in expressing views and opinions that have been observed in other literary devices (mithali, misemo, vijembe) and their usage. At the same time it is demonstrated that different types of poems (tenzi, mashairi, nyimbo) and different styles (plain, metaphoric, riddle) are used side by side. The ambiguity, incompleteness and strength of the language that is used in this poetry, make it all possible to express views on sensitive issues in the society.

`Kinds of objects and their meanings´ deals with objecthood in Kiswahili. From a syntactic point of view, there is but one kind of object: the distinction between `direct´ and `indirect´ object has no syntactic properties, and one verb can have only one object. Of course, objects can have different semantic roles. This raises questions about the syntactic and semantic functions of `naked´ non-objects, and some of these are approached by inspecting fifty examples of the verb kutia `to put [sth] [into]´ from Sacleux´s dictionary. Three syntactic and semantic frames are distinguished and the respective roles of the arguments are described. Finally, there is a brief discussion about the meaning of the object as such and how it is influenced by the presence of the applicative extension.

Nyimbo, kama tanzu ya fasihi yeyote ile zina majukumu mbalimbali ambayo hutekeleza katika jamii. Lengo kuu la fasihi ni lile la kuielimisha na hata kuiburudisha jamii. Ndivyo ilivyo katika nyimbo kwa sababu kupitia kwazo wanajamii huburudika na kuelimishwa. Ni kwa sababu hiyo ndipo makala hii inalenga kuangalia nafasi ya nyimbo zinazopendwa katika fasihi ya Kiswahili. Huu ni utanzu ambao huwafikia watu wengi katika jamii. Kutokana na kutumia lugha ya Kiswahili, utanzu huu unaweza kueleweka na Wakenya wengi. Nchini Kenya, vyombo vya habari vimeipa fasihi hii nafasi kubwa sana na hivyo basi kuipanua hadhira yake. Hii ni kutokana na sababu kuwa fasihi hii inathaminiwa sana na wengi na ipewe nafasi kubwa katika vyombo vya habari hasa katika redio kwa muda mrefu. Ni kutokana na sababu hii ndipo tunajaribu kuonyesha nafasi yake katika fasihi ya Kiswahili.

Kasida ya Hamziyyah, yumkini, ndiyo tafsiri ya Kiswahili ya zamani zaidi. Kiswahili kilichotumiwa katika ukawafi huu kimechakaa sana hata maneno mengine hayatumiki tena. Hii ni kasida ambayo ni maarufu sana katika ulimwengu wa fasihi na dini ya Kiislamu na Waswahili huikariri wakati wa sherehe za Maulidi ya Nabii Muhammadi au wanapocheza Twari la Ndiya. Kasida hii ya Hamziyah pia hujulikana kama Chuo cha Hamziyah au Utenzi wa Hamziyah. Kasida ya Hamziyyah ilitafsiriwa kutoka kwa Kiarabu na Sayyid Aidarus bin Athumani bin Sheikh Abubakar bin Salim hapo mwaka wa 1652b. Pamoja na kuinukuu kwa hati za Kirumi nimebawibu Hamziyah katika sehemu mbalimbali, kulingana na maudhui yake, ili iweze kusomeka kwa urahisi na iweze kuwavutia wasomaji. Katika miswada ya Kiswahili niliyoipata, mswada mmoja una ubeti mmoja zaidi.