Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T20:29:58Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Claudio Cesar Grizi Oliva.pdf: 856697 bytes, checksum: 6bc3df8c54b49cccb8b9cba3469666dc (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009-12-04 / Labor union freedom has been managed for over 60 years by the International Labor Organization (ILO) by its Conventions numbers 87 (1948) and 98 (1949). It has been ratified by the democratic western countries, including the ones that originally formed Mercosul with Brazil, and recommends that all workers and employees have the right to establish the organizations which they judge convenient and to become members in order to promote and defend their interests and freely make negotiations with the other part, without the interference of the State or the intervention of either of them upon the other. According to the ILO (International Labor Organization), the labor union freedom and the freedom to become a member constitute a fundamental human right that go together with the right to collective negotiation, represent a central value in this international organization, promoting the democracy, a good labor market management and decent work conditions. There is strong political resistance in Brazil to confirm the ILO Convention number 87, despite the several opportunities throughout the democratic periods, which includes the current one, the Constitution of 1988, considered one of the most advanced in the world. Therefore, based on Raimundo Faoro‟s thesis, this dissertation, through a historical, sociological, philosophical-ideological and legal focus; aims at progressing in interpreting the establishment of the labor union uniqueness that comes with the compulsory labor union contribution, the economic category and the normative power of the Labor Justice, even after the publishing of the Federal Constitution of 1988 that already represented progress when it separated the labor union from the state. Once the pathology has been identified, follow propositions of ways to overcome them / A liberdade sindical é contemplada há mais de 60 anos pela Organização Internacional do Trabalho (OIT) por meio de suas Convenções números 87 (1948) e 98 (1949). Ratificada pelos países democráticos ocidentais, inclusive pelos que compuseram originalmente o Mercosul juntamente com o Brasil, preconiza que todos os trabalhadores e empregadores têm o direito de constituir as organizações que julgarem convenientes e de se afiliarem a elas, com o objetivo de promover e defender seus respectivos interesses e de celebrar negociações coletivas com a outra parte, livremente, sem a intromissão do Estado ou ingerência de umas sobre as outras. Segundo a OIT (Organização Internacional do Trabalho), a liberdade sindical e a liberdade de associação constituem um direito humano fundamental que, junto com o direito de negociação coletiva, representam um valor central dessa organização internacional, promovendo a democracia, uma boa governança do mercado de trabalho e condições de trabalho decentes. Há uma acentuada resistência política no Brasil em ratificar a Convenção número 87 da OIT, em que pesem as diversas oportunidades ocorridas nos períodos democráticos, o que inclui a atual, quando vige a Constituição de 1988, considerada uma das mais avançadas do mundo. Apoiada, assim, na tese de Raimundo Faoro, esta dissertação busca, através de um enfoque histórico, sociológico, filosófico-ideológico e jurídico, avançar no sentido de decifrar o enraizamento da unicidade sindical que vem acompanhada da contribuição sindical compulsória do critério de categoria econômica e do poder normativo da Justiça do Trabalho, mesmo após a promulgação da Constituição Federal de 1988 que avançou ao desvincular o sindicato do Estado. Diagnosticada a patologia, segue-se na proposição de saídas para sua superação

Le monde du travail connaît actuellement de grandes transformations. Le modèle nord-américain d’organisation syndicale ne semble plus permettre au mouvement syndical de répondre efficacement à ces transformations, favorisant le développement de plusieurs initiatives de renouveau syndical. Pour évaluer les impacts d’initiatives de renouveau syndical, nous avons développé un modèle basé sur le concept de zone syndicale (Haiven, 2003, 2006). Nous avons dû déterminer les facteurs définissant la zone syndicale, comme la littérature était muette à ce sujet. En utilisant d’abord la théorie des déterminants de la densité syndicale (Schnabel, 2003), nous avons intégré au modèle les éléments de la théorie des ressources du pouvoir syndical (Lévesque et Murray, 2010) pour considérer les facteurs internes aux syndicats qui influencent la zone syndicale. L’intégration de ces trois théories dans un modèle unifié constitue une innovation théorique significative. Le modèle a été appliqué à deux centres de travailleurs : le Vermont Workers Center et le Centre des Travailleurs de St-Rémi. Dans les deux cas, ces initiatives ont permis d’élargir la zone syndicale. Par contre, le Centre du Vermont applique les principes du syndicalisme communautaire, en cherchant à développer du leaderhsip chez ses membres (Cranford et Ladd, 2013), alors que celui de St-Rémi applique un syndicalisme de mobilisation, où le leadership s’exerce par les organisateurs syndicaux (Camfield, 2007). Cette différence et leurs différents mandats font que les impacts des deux cas étudiés diffèrent. D’autres études sont nécessaires pour améliorer le modèle proposé. Ce dernier demeure malgré tout un outil pour les chercheurs ou les syndicats qui veulent évaluer des initiatives ou des pratiques syndicales et permettre, à terme, d’augmenter l’influence du mouvement syndical sur le marché du travail et la société. / The labor market is undergoing major changes. The north-american model of union organization seems to not allow the labor movement to respond effectively to these changes, which have contributed to the development of several union renewal initiatives. To evaluate the impacts of union renewal initiatives, we have developped a model based on the concept of union zone (Haiven 2003, 2006). We had to determine the factors defining the union zone, as the litterature was silent about that subject. Using at first the theory of the determinants of the union density (Schnabel, 2003), we have integrated elements of the theory of union power resources (Lévesque and Murray, 2010) to the model to consider the internal factors for the unions that can influence the union zone. The integration of these three theories in one unified model constitute a significant theoritical innovation. The model was applied to two workers centers : the Vermont Workers Center and the St-Rémi Workers Center. In both cases, these union renewal initiatives have enlarged the union zone. On the other side, the Vermont center applies the principles of community unionism, seeking to develop leadership among its members (Cranford and Ladd, 2003), while the St-Rémi center applies the principles of mobilization unionism, in which leadership is exercised rather by union organizers (Camfield, 2007). This difference and their different mandates made the impacts in the two studied cases different. Further studies are needed to improve the proposed model. It remains a tool that can be useful for researchers or unions who want to evaluate the impacts of union initiatives or practices and, eventually, increase the influence of the labor movement on the labor market and society.

Mémoire numérisé par la Division de la gestion de documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-08-10T10:48:00Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 LUIZ CARLOS DE PADUA BAILAO.pdf: 655331 bytes, checksum: 8b8fbeb399e3f304f524502b32126846 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-08-16 / The Constitution of the Federative Republic of Brazil, promulgated on October 5th, 1988, inaugurated a new phase in the structure of the syndical entities in the country. That structure had been previously marked by the state´s interference and interventionism. The prohibition of such interference and intervention in the constitution of syndical entities was an important landmark in the ratification of the unionization freedom consecrated by the International labor laws and, especially, by the International Labor Organization, through its Conventions and Recommendations. Thus, the object of this research is the study of the syndical matrix suggested by the 87th Convention of the International Labor Organization, which constitutes the most important law on unionization freedom in the field of the International Labor Laws. In addition to the matrix previously mentioned, this dissertation also aims at the study of the syndical matrix established in our native legal system since the promulgation of the Federal Constitution of 1988. The focus of our study is syndical plurality and unicity, as well as the mandatory contribution, which prevent the ratification of that convention by Brazil. In our study, Hannah Arendt´s views are adopted, according to which freedom can only be achieved through action, and, for this reason, it requires a politically assured scope in order to be lived. / A Constituição da República Federativa do Brasil promulgada em 05 de outubro de 1988 inaugurou uma nova fase na estrutura das entidades sindicais no país, anteriormente marcada pela interferência e intervencionismo estatal na sua constituição. A vedação da interferência e intervenção do estado na constituição das entidades sindicais foi um marco importante na convalidação da liberdade sindical consagrada pelo Direito Internacional do Trabalho, notadamente pela Organização Internacional do Trabalho através de suas Convenções e Recomendações. Assim, o objeto de investigação do trabalho acadêmico em forma de dissertação é o estudo da matriz sindical sugerida pela Convenção n. 87 da Organização Internacional do Trabalho que constitui a norma mais importante sobre Liberdade Sindical do Direito Internacional do Trabalho, e a matriz sindical estabelecida pelo ordenamento jurídico pátrio inaugurado com a promulgação da Constituição Federal de 1988, com abordagem no aspecto pluralidade e unicidade sindical e da contribuição compulsória que inviabilizam a ratificação daquela convenção pelo Brasil, sob a ótica da concepção de Hannah Arendt para quem a liberdade é efetivada na ação, motivo pelo qual precisa de âmbito politicamente assegurado para ser vivenciada.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-25T20:20:39Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Marcelho Cunha Mendes.pdf: 782259 bytes, checksum: bbe38317b4dc61ddde81a7231220477e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012-05-11 / The study on relations between Neoliberalism and the old State syndicate contributes to the analyses of the impacts of the syndical reform and the redefinition of the syndical structure on the actual practices of the Brazilian working class. This structure was important for the implementation of the neoliberal hegemony over the working class in this country / A o estudo das relações entre o neoliberalismo e o velho sindicato de Estado contribui para a análise dos impactos da reforma sindical e da redefinição da estrutura sindical sobre as atuais práticas da classe trabalhadora brasileira. Esta estrutura foi importante para a implementação da hegemonia neoliberal contra a classe trabalhadora

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T14:53:36Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Marcelho Cunha Mendes.pdf: 782259 bytes, checksum: bbe38317b4dc61ddde81a7231220477e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012-05-11 / The study on relations between Neoliberalism and the old State syndicate contributes to the analyses of the impacts of the syndical reform and the redefinition of the syndical structure on the actual practices of the Brazilian working class. This structure was important for the implementation of the neoliberal hegemony over the working class in this country / A o estudo das relações entre o neoliberalismo e o velho sindicato de Estado contribui para a análise dos impactos da reforma sindical e da redefinição da estrutura sindical sobre as atuais práticas da classe trabalhadora brasileira. Esta estrutura foi importante para a implementação da hegemonia neoliberal contra a classe trabalhadora

Cette thèse concerne la mise en mots et en action de l'idée socialiste en Roumanie, au tournant du 20e siècle. Elle s'ouvre sur la signature du traité de Berlin (1878), qui consacra l'indépendance de l'État-national roumain, et se reforme, la veille de l'entrée de la Roumanie dans la Grande Guerre (1916). La chronologie retenue se situe dans une période d'expérimentation accélérée de la modernité en Roumanie. Elle inclut par ailleurs le temps d'existence de la Seconde Internationale. La participation des socialistes roumains à cette Internationale depuis son Congrès fondateur inscrit le sujet dans une dynamique transnationale de circulations socialistes de part et d'autre de l'Europe avant la Grande Guerre. Les analyses générales de cette recherche se structurent autour d'une question historiographique transversale : les sources ainsi que les ouvrages secondaires disponibles sur le sujet du socialisme en Roumanie ont été irrémédiablement marqués par une griffe idéologique héritée de la période communiste. La mise en pratique d'une méthode d'approche de ces documents constitue l'un des enjeux majeurs. Sur cette question, les travaux amorcés par l'historien d’origine roumaine, Georges Haupt, ont présenté un apport considérable. Cette recherche en est l’héritière. / This thesis is about the articulation and enactment of the socialist idea in Romania, at the turn of the 20th century. It begins with the signing of the treaty of Berlin (1878) that stipulated the independence of the Romanian nation-state. It ends on the eve of Romania entering the First World War (1916). The chosen time frame captures Romania in a period of an accelerated experimentation of modernity and the formation of the Second International. Romanian socialist's participated al this International since its founding congress. The period covered in this thesis is marked with the transnational dynamic of socialists circulating around Europe prior to the Great War. The overarching analysis of this research is based on a transversal historiographical interrogation. Primary and secondary sources that deal with socialisms in Romania are irredeemably marked by an ideological scar inherited from the communist period. How to work with these documents constitutes one of the major issues at stake in this thesis. Georges Haupt, a historian of Romanian origin, began tackling this question and made a considerable contribution to the research that this thesis picks up on.

Ce mémoire est une critique du « partenariat social », la stratégie retenue par le mouvement syndical québécois depuis la fin des années 1970. Notre sujet est le Sommet socio-économique de 1996 que nous étudions sous l'angle de cette stratégie par laquelle les organisations syndicales se détournent de leur approche précédente basée sur une analyse des intérêts antagoniques qui opposent le capital et le travail. Elles délaissent la stratégie qui érigeait en souci central la construction d'un rapport de force, basé ultimement sur l'engagement militant des travailleurs envers leurs intérêts collectifs. Dans cette recherche, nous présentons, expliquons et évaluons cette stratégie de « partenariat social » et ses conséquences négatives pour le mouvement syndical québécois lors du Sommet socio-économique de 1996. L'acquiescement du mouvement syndical au « déficit zéro » en mars 1996 et le consensus établi autour de la Déclaration sur l'emploi en novembre 1996 ont permis et légitimé la mise en place du modèle néolibéral au Québec. Ils ont ouvert la voie à une restructuration profonde de l'administration publique québécoise et entrainé de graves conséquences sur les services publics et les programmes sociaux mis en place depuis les années 1960. Le mouvement syndical a subi une coupure de 50 000 postes dans la fonction publique et parapublique dont la majorité ont été faites par le gouvernement péquiste de 1995 à 1998. Cette stratégie dessert non seulement les intérêts des membres que les organisations syndicales représentent mais l'ensemble de la classe ouvrière dont une importante composante est vouée à l'exclusion. ______________________________________________________________________________ MOTS-CLÉS DE L’AUTEUR : syndicalisme québécois, partenariat social, sommet socio-économique 1996, stratégie syndicale

Mémoire numérisé par la Division de la gestion de documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal

La représentation collective des salariés se caractérise par une pluralité de sources : internationales, européennes, étatiques et professionnelles. Leur identification permet d’établir une cartographie. Certaines ont pour objet de garantir les droits fondamentaux des salariés d’essence collective. D’autres participent plus directement à structurer le système de représentation collective des salariés. Cette cartographie renseigne ensuite sur leur importance respective à régir ce dernier domaine. Le développement du droit de l’Union européenne d’un côté et l’essor de la négociation collective de l’autre tendent ainsi à relativiser l’importance traditionnelle de la loi. De même, la promotion des normes négociées conduit corrélativement à un déclin des normes issues du pouvoir patronal. Leur articulation permet de comprendre les différents rapports qu’elles nouent entre elles. Elle met en évidence ce vers quoi est orientée l’articulation des sources de la représentation collective des salariés. Classiquement, cette articulation vise à garantir le droit des salariés à être représentés. De manière renouvelée, elle s’inscrit dans un processus de contractualisation et de décentralisation de la production normative. Le domaine de la représentation collective de salariés n’offre pas seulement une illustration particulière et vivante des mutations des sources du droit. Caractérisé par l’importance des normes de structure, il est un parfait observatoire pour appréhender le dynamisme de l’agencement des sources du droit et pour comprendre les mécanismes qui rendent possibles les déplacements d’une source à l’autre. / Workers’ collective representation is guaranteed by several sources of Law: international, European, statutes and collective bargaining. Pinpointing all of them enables a “map-making”. Some sources are to ensure workers’ collective fundamental rights. Some others aim to design workers representation. This « law-mapping » indicates each law’s respective importance. The increasing importance of the European Union law and of the collective bargaining in this matter alleviates statutes’ traditional role. In the same time the increasing role of collective bargaining diminishes management role in this respect. Studying the coordination of the different laws helps to understand their functions regarding one another. It makes possible to identify their purpose. Traditionally, such a coordination aims only to ensures workers’ representation. Now on, this coordination falls within the scope of a « contractualized » and decentralized normative production. Workers’ collective representation is not only a topic illustration of sources of laws mutation, it is also a field to observe the dynamic current of their coordination and interaction.