Le motif du palmier, qui apparaît dès la fin du IVe millénaire av. J.-C. en Égypte et en Mésopotamie, connaît une très large diffusion dans la Méditerranée antique, durant les second et premier millénaires av. J.-C. Il s’inscrit dans la tradition artistique, culturelle et religieuse d’un grand nombre de régions : le Levant, l’île de Chypre, la Grèce, la Méditerranée occidentale. Bâtie sur ce champ d’étude, géographiquement et chronologiquement très large, cette thèse examine la répartition du motif résultant de contacts et d’échanges entre les différentes civilisations et met en lumière l’élaboration d’une iconographie spécifique, propre à chacune d’entre elles. Certains développements symboliques – tels l’aspect cultuel du palmier et le rapprochement ou l’assimilation de l’arbre avec l’être humain, et plus particulièrement avec la femme –, apparaissent récurrents et permettent d’examiner la question de la continuité, ou non, du motif dans les différents groupes d’images étudiées et la façon dont la vision de l’arbre se manifeste dans chacune des civilisations. / The pattern of the palm-tree, which appears as soon as the end of the IVth millennium BC in both Egypt and Mesopotamia, experiences a vast diffusion across the Ancient Mediterranean world during the IInd and Ist millennium BC. Its style situates it in the artistic, cultural, and religious tradition of a large number of regions: the Levant, Cyprus island, Ancient Greece, and the Western Mediterranean. This thesis, built on wide geographical and chronological fields of study, investigates the geographical distribution of the pattern arising from contacts and exchanges between various civilizations and highlights how a specific iconography, proper to each civilization, has been elaborated. Some symbolic developments, such as the religious aspect of the palm-tree and the connection or assimilation of the tree to humans, in particular to women, appear recurrent and allow one to address the question of the continuity of the pattern in various picture samples and the way the view of the tree manifests itself in each of these civilizations.

Exploring age structure in Mediterranean cultures illuminates the social dynamics of intergenerational relationships that became more visible in late first and early second century early Christian texts, and especially in 1 Timothy 5. This was a time of crisis when those with a living memory of the foundations of the movement were almost gone, and the community was scrutinized by outsiders. Since we have relatively few clues related to aging and age structure in the extant texts, a model of generational stability and social change based on ethnographic data helps us to imagine culturally sensitive possibilities that we can then test out as we reread the texts in their Roman cultural context. In his fictive story of Paul and Timothy, the author of the heterographical (pseudepigraphical) letter of 1 Timothy establishes an ideal intergenerational relationship between “Paul” as an older man and “Timothy” as his adult “child.” When the fictive Paul directs Timothy to speak kindly to older people (5:1-2), he introduces a section on age-related issues. Behaviour that was causing concern for public reputation included adult children shirking filial duty (5:4, 8), young widows gadding about in public (5:11-15), and younger men accusing their elders (5:19). These behaviours threatened the reputation and honour of the community and may have been encouraged by the opposing faction. The author’s solution was to reject the opposing teachings and enforce behaviour that reflected proper age structure: adult children should fulfill their filial responsibilities and care for widowed mothers and grandmothers (5:4); young widows should be guided and supported by middle-aged women who were responsible for them in the age hierarchy among women (5:16); middle-aged women should imitate the exemplary behaviour of the enlisted widows who were over 60 years old; and young men were to be rebuked in front of everyone for their disrespect toward elders (5:20). In the face of social change, the author advocates for behaviour reflective of the traditional age structure of Roman society.

Sebbene Filippo V sia uno dei monarchi antichi meglio attestati nella tradizione letteraria ed epigrafica, la complessità della sua regalità sfugge ancora alla ricerca storica moderna, che finora ha preferito concentrarsi sulla coeva espansione romana nel Mediterraneo. Dopo la vecchia monografia di Walbank (1940; 19602), la tesi costituisce dunque la prima analisi politica della basileia di Filippo V e della sua relazione con le leghe greche alla fine del III secolo a.C. La ricerca collega all'orizzonte politico e istituzionale ellenistico i primi 12 anni di governo di Filippo V (229-217 a.C.) ripercorrendo le fasi dell’azione politica del re: una prima fase riguarda principalmente il ruolo di Filippo durante la reggenza e il regno di Antigono Dosone; una seconda fase esplora tra il 222 e il 220 l'inizio della guerra con gli Etoli; una terza sezione è dedicata all'apertura di un fronte navale nel 219 e al successo della campagna etolica. La quarta parte indaga sull'impegno del 218 in Peloponneso di Filippo, mentre l'ultima sezione approfondisce l’azione diplomatica e militare di Filippo nel 217 e gli accordi di pace a Naupatto. Anche grazie alla buona documentazione epigrafica e letteraria, Filippo V è un paradigma unico per ridefinire il significato della regalità ellenistica. Considerando i suoi legami dinastici, la politica giudiziaria, le innovazioni militari, le relazioni diplomatiche e le riforme amministrative prima dell'intervento romano in Oriente, la ricerca tenta di fornire una prima descrizione e un'analisi della monarchia macedone matura e della sua relazione con il mondo greco; cerca inoltre di stabilire le caratteristiche della regalità ellenistica macedone nel momento dell’incontro con la potenza romana, nel tentativo di distinguere le sue peculiarità nel III secolo rispetto a quelle dell'età di Alessandro, a prescindere dalle deformazioni della propaganda di parte romana. / Although Philip V is one of the best epigraphically and literarily attested ancient monarchs, the structure, performance, and the rationale of his kingship still elude modern scholarship, which has hitherto preferred to focus on the coeval Roman expansion in the Mediterranean. The following is the first political analysis of the ancient Macedonian basileia and its relation with the Greek Leagues at the end of the 3rd century BC. The research connects the first 12 years of rule of Philip V (229-217 BC.) to the Hellenistic political and institutional horizon, and distinguishes five chronological stages of Philip’s reign according to the political agency of the king: an early stage between Demetrios II’s death in 229 and 222, mainly concerned with Philip’s role during Antigonos Doson’s rule and the ascension to the throne; a second phase between 222 and 220 exploring the beginning of the war with the Aitolians; a third section devoted to the opening of a naval front in 219 and the successful Aitolian campaign. Part four investigates Philip’s 218 Peloponnesian engagement, while the last section expands on Philip’s 217 diplomatic and military agency and the peace agreements in Naupactos. Considering his dynastic ties, court politics, military innovations, diplomatic relations and administrative reforms before the Roman intervention in the East, the work attempts to provide a source-based first description and analysis of the mature Macedonian monarchy and its relation with the Greek world. It tries to establish the features of the Mediterranean kingship encountered by the Roman expansion, in the attempt to distinguish those attested in 3rd century Macedonia from those inferred from Alexander’s age evidence, and from the Roman biased propaganda.

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Made available in DSpace on 2016-08-03T12:19:42Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 ANDERSONLIMA.pdf: 1262691 bytes, checksum: 424e13c6260aea9132d95d09f2479b56 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-08-22 / Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico / This research assumes that the Gospel of Matthew is a literary document produced at the end of the first century CE. in some urban environment of the ancient Mediterranean World, where it differs from the other gospels of the New Testament by economic emphasis in its language, and also by its content. We try to demonstrate the importance of this Matthew s language feature for the development of Gospels discourse, and to understand it, we deal with the approximations between this speech and some socioeconomic models known in the real world of the great urban centers of that time. Along the discussion, we conclude that the author of Matthews Gospel is part of an embracing debate between new judaisms that kept conflictual relations with the Greco-Roman domain and their cultural heritage. Matthew, in particular, rejects the complete ownership of clientelist patterns in interpersonal relations of the disciples of Jesus, while also appropriates the foreign socioeconomic model to develop its religious imaginary. We argue that in Matthew, God takes, as a character, the features of a divine patron who protects and benefits its faithful clients, and in retribution, they should do good deeds for the poor. However, despite this vertical relationship religious be desirable, the gospel rejects other clientelistic ties that rating the human being, and sees them as a betrayal to the first sovereign patron. / Este trabalho de pesquisa parte do pressuposto de que o Evangelho de Mateus é um documento literário produzido no final do século I EC, em algum ambiente urbano do antigo Mundo Mediterrâneo, e que se diferencia dos demais evangelhos do Novo Testamento pela ênfase econômica presente em sua linguagem e conteúdo. Procura-se demonstrar a importância dessa particularidade para o desenvolvimento do próprio discurso mateano e para compreendê-lo, trata das proximidades que há entre esse discurso e os modelos socioeconômicos conhecidos no mundo real dos grandes centros urbanos de então. Dessa pesquisa conclui-se que o autor de Mateus se insere num debate abrangente entre os judaísmos do período, que mantinham relações conflituosas com a cultura Greco-romana e a própria herança cultural. Mateus, em especial, rejeita a apropriação plena dos padrões clientelistas para as relações interpessoais dos discípulos de Jesus ao mesmo tempo que se apropria desse modelo socioeconômico estrangeiro para desenvolver seu imaginário religioso. Defende-se que em Mateus, Deus assume, como personagem, as características de um patrono divino que protege e beneficia seus fieis clientes, que em retribuição deviam praticar boas obras para com os pobres. Em contrapartida a essa relação religiosa vertical que é desejável, o evangelho rejeita os vínculos clientelistas que hierarquizam os seres humanos, vendo-as também como traição àquele primeiro e soberano patrono.

This research examines how, when and why the Romans assigned and defined the tasks of preparing and commanding fleets during the Republic. In doing so, it brings new evidence to bear on the wider debates about the nature of the prouincia and the institutional and administrative development of the Roman empire. The communis opinio is that a prouincia originally represented a functional “sphere of operation” that was allotted or assigned to a magistrate and that it only later developed a geographical meaning with territorial connotations through the process of “provincialisation.” This research challenges that view through an analysis of the evidence for the definition, assignment and practical use of the prouincia classis and other prouinciae connected with the command of fleets. Drawing upon and analysing the lists of administrative arrangements to be found in the “annalistic” sections of the surviving books of Livy’s History, it argues that prouinciae were defined in specific geographical and functional terms long before the development of permanent territorial empire. This offers a new perspective which points to and elucidates the flexible use of the prouincia as a means of separating magistrates and promagistrates in space or by function in space. It argues that the rationale for this was to limit conflicts between commanders over command and triumphal rights. By combining evidence from a wide range of sources after the loss of Livy’s History from 167, the research shows that the above rationale for demarcating prouinciae still applied in the first century B.C. However, it also demonstrates that there were significant changes with the assignment of vast Mediterranean-wide naval prouinciae in the first half of the first century B.C. It argues that the definition of these prouinciae was made possible by the development of a singular collective Mediterranean-wide ora maritima, which was brought about by the Romans’ increasing “acknowledgement of empire.” The negative political and institutional implications of these developments are also assessed. Finally, in discussing the above, this research also provides new insights into the role and auctoritas of the Senate, the function and freedom of magistrates, and the Romans’ conceptualisation of their empire.