This paper is a case study on Bradley E. Manning, famous for leaking classified intelligence to media, or in the charge sheet’s words: “knowingly give intelligence to the enemy, through indirect means.” My opinion is that this sort of dilemma is a question of values, how you view the world and, most important of all, human rights and the philosophy of rights. Therefore I decided to sort out the arguments regarding the issue of freedom of speech versus the state’s need for protection. To do this I performed a pro et contra analysis from John Stuart Mill’s On Liberty and Thomas Hobbes’ Leviathan, this building my theory on which I lean my other work upon. Furthermore, I performed a case study on Manning where I compared the charges and the defense with the arguments of Mill and Hobbes. Ergo: I applied my theory on an existing conflict between freedom of speech and the state’s need for protection to see which arguments that are used in the charge against Manning and if one could derive this from the argumentation analysis consistent of Mill and Hobbes.   Words: 11474

The right to freedom of expression is with no doubt one of the most important rights in all democratic societies. The southern African sub-region is however lacking when it comes to the protection of this right. There are either highly repressive laws which result in the right being practiced but to a limited extent. In other cases the media is owned by the elite in society which results in the majority not being represented in the independent media and at the same time, the public media is often abused by the governing elite. The scene is therefore that both the public media and private media are representative of the elite. The research seeks to explore the protection of human rights, particularly the right to freedom of expression in politically volatile environments. The research focuses on Zimbabwe but comparative analysis has also been drawn with other jurisdictions moreso South Africa. It is important to note that Zimbabwe has ratified both the International Covenant on Civil Political Rights and the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ rights both of which protect the right to freedom of expression. It is however not enough that states ratify international and regional instruments without domesticating the instruments at the national level. The domestication of the international and regional instruments is meant to ensure that individuals enjoy these rights. Freedom of expression is highly volatile in Zimbabwe. The legislature has been accused of taking away the right which has been granted to citizens by the Constitution through its highly repressive laws. The Access to Information and Protection of Privacy Act (AIPPA), the Public Order and Security Act (POSA), and the Official Secrets Act are some of the laws which have been put under spotlight in Zimbabwe. There is therefore a conflict between the legislature, the press and individuals in Zimbabwe. In Zimbabwe like many democratic states, there is separation of powers between the legislature, the executive, and the judiciary. The legislature is the decision making structure that enacts policies in their capacity as representatives of the people; the judiciary is the mediating body that adjudicates decisions between the organs of state as well as between those organs and individuals and the executive enforces decisions. The findings of the research are that despite the ratification of international and regional instruments dealing with the right to freedom of expression and the protection of the right to freedom of expression in the constitution, there still exist repressive laws in Zimbabwe which to a great extent limit the right to freedom of expression. These laws in light of the prevailing environment in Zimbabwe are often used to deprive citizens and journalists of information and their right to freedom of expression. The judiciary finds itself in a difficult position as the executive does not comply with its rulings. The independence of the judiciary, in light of the environment is also compromised by the threats to the judges, the appointment process and ‘gifts’ given to the judges for example, farms. The research analyses the history and theories of freedom of freedom of expression in Zimbabwe, the laws regulating the right and the case law dealing with this right. Finally there is a comparison between Zimbabwe and South Africa and conclusions and recommendations are made based on the discussion in the dissertation. Among the recommendations is that civil society should be involved in educating individuals especially journalists about the right to freedom of expression. Further, the judiciary should also take a more proactive approach in the protection of the right.

Expanding on prior research into the state level causes of terrorism, I argue that state repression and limited state capacity reduces opportunities for non-violent political expression and increases the utility of terrorism. I also argue that economic freedom can is a form of political expression that can dissipate political grievances. While previous authors analyzed some of these variables separately using data on transnational attacks, I created a complete model incorporating the three categories of variables and tested my hypotheses using data that includes both domestic and transnational attacks. I use regression analysis for hypothesis testing and find support for the three primary contentions of this thesis and conclude that limits on political expression increase the likelihood nations will experienced increased levels of terrorism.

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Thesis ( M.A. ( Media Studies)) -- University of Limpopo, 2005 / It is currently generally recognized that freedom of expression 1s a fundamental human right. In South Africa this recognition was realized with the advent of the new democratic dispensation in 1994. Freedom of the press in South Africa came as no coincidence - there had been long and concerted efforts to fight apartheid and its in-ward facing media legislation. These concerted efforts culminated in the "Jabulani: Open Airwaves: conference held in the Nederlands in 1993. This landmark conference undeniably laid a solid foundation for the media freedom South Africa enjoys today. Many would argue that South Africa is now finally entrenched in the libertarian viewpoint of the press, while others feel that the media should be moving beyond libertarianism towards social responsibility. Based on these press theories, this study reveals that there is need to strike a balance between the two in South Africa in particular and in Africa in gene ral. It is shown how libertarian theories are a far cry from the authoritarian and nee-communist media theories utilized by the former apartheid regime. Re press ive South African media laws are well documented, but a brief historical overview is given in the study to show the depth and the media engineered by the state. It also points out the gaps in journalism training, both in the past and at present this focus reveals that journalists are an important kingpin in press freedom. Their training and ideological orientation can either promote diversity or throttle it. It is for this reason that this research study was undertaken to endeavour to elicit in forma tion about the state of journalism 1n selected newsrooms by developing a questionnaire that could be mailed or used in structured interviews The study has revealed that many newsrooms are now run by youthful journalists, of whom a large number have inadequate education and training. This has affected the quality of information both the public and private sectors are broadcasting. However, the study ahs shown that some of the reasons for this poor performance seems to lie in the recruitment structures of newsrooms. In addition, effective induction is not given on appointment. Many organisations rely on external training, otherwise it is sink or swim. The study finally recommends a sound basic education for journalists in all possible languages. While it is important that journalism training at tertiary institutions in South Africa should include practical skills and standard training to enhance contextual knowledge in journalism programmes.

This study examined the impact of dissent and workplace freedom of speech on employees’ well-being (subjective, psychological and workplace well-being). Data for the study were collected through an online survey distributed to employees of various organizations. The findings revealed that upward dissent was positively related to subjective well-being (consisting of life satisfaction, positive affect and negative affect), psychological well-being, workplace well-being, and workplace freedom of speech. Lateral dissent was positively related to negative affect, workplace well-being and negatively related to life satisfaction and positive affect. However, there was no relationship between lateral dissent and psychological well-being. Workplace freedom of speech was positively related to psychological well-being and workplace well-being. Practical and theoretical implications are discussed.

The aim of this study is to examine if the freedom of information and thus also the freedom of expression in Sweden can be harmed if Swedish archives will start to identity control and register scholars who wants to take part private of archives in public archives. To find an answer, I have looked at the advantages and disadvantages of such registration and control. If a registration is introduced there is some thought about sort out and preservation and you can see if the principle of openness and thus freedom of expression can be damaged in such a registration. I have analysed and compared Swedish laws concerning the principle of openness and for archives as well as the EU’s General Data Protection Regulation (GDPR) and conducted semi-structured interviews with a lawyer, an archivist, and a journalist. I have concluded that it is possible for the Swedish National Archive to register who takes part in their individual archives, but it is uncertain how long this information can be preserved. Most of the informants believe that the principle of openness and thus freedom of expression can be damaged if control of identification is introduced. The journalist believes that the registered information can be used to map journalists and prevent them from accessing information in private archives. / Syftet med denna studie är att undersöka om offentlighetsprincipen och därmed också yttrandefriheten i Sverige kan skadas om svenska arkiv kommer att börja identitetskontrollera och registrera forskare som vill delta privat i arkiv i offentliga arkiv. För att hitta ett svar har jag tittat på fördelarna och nackdelarna med sådan registrering och kontroll. Om en registrering införs tänker man på sortering och bevarande och man kan se om principen om öppenhet och därmed yttrandefrihet kan skadas i en sådan registrering. Jag har analyserat och jämfört svenska lagar om principen om öppenhet och för arkiv samt EU: s allmänna dataskyddsförordning (GDPR) och genomfört halvstrukturerade intervjuer med en advokat, en arkivare och en journalist. Jag har kommit fram till att det är möjligt för Svenska Nationalarkivet att registrera vem som deltar i sina enskilda arkiv, men det är osäkert hur länge denna information kan bevaras. De flesta informanter tror att principen om öppenhet och därmed yttrandefrihet kan skadas om kontroll av identifiering införs. Journalisten tror att den registrerade informationen kan användas för att kartlägga journalister och hindra dem från att få tillgång till information i privata arkiv.

The Issue of Employees' Expression on Social Media Abstract The aim of the diploma thesis was to describe the involvement of employees in social media according to the labour legislation. The goal is to define the extent to which positive law already reflects the trend of social networks in the field of labour relations and to establish limits of the employees' private posts. These limits arise from the labor law regulation, as well as significant cases dealt with by Czech and European courts. The work is divided into four parts. The first part defines the fundamental concepts, on the basis of which the work later analyzes the nature of employees' expressions through the medium and the resulting correctives provided for by the legislation. The second and third parts of the thesis describe the law in the field of employee expression and involvement in social networks, both at international and national level. The emphasis is placed on the courts' rulings in the significant cases, which extensively complete this issue. The fourth part of the thesis is devoted to current topics that employers face in the field of involvement of their employees on social networks in their leisure time. The chapter presents model situations in which employees' contributions to to social medias concerning the employer are...

This project explores how film censorship shapes film production and circulation at film festivals, public screenings, and theatrical releases since the early 2000s in Turkey. It argues that, over time, mechanisms of censorship under Erdoğan’s authoritarian regime became less centralized; practices of censorship became more dispersed and less and less “official;” and the various imposing actors and agencies have differed from those in previous decades. Though still consistent with longstanding state ideologies, reasons for censorship practices, now more than ever, must be complexly navigated and negotiated by producers and distributors of film, including festival organizers, art institutions, and filmmakers themselves, through self-censorship.Drawing on a number of in-depth case studies of films banned after 2000, this project analyzes these works within the political and social contexts surrounding their releases, as well as ethnographic data based on dozens of extensive semi-structured interviews with cultural producers over five years of fieldwork. The corresponding ethnographic fieldwork research reveals how the political climate in Turkey has affected (and worked to suppress) cultural production, freedom of speech, activism, and political resistance to the Erdoğan regime. It asks how political activism, speech, and events are converted into the visibility of image, sound, and text (as film) ultimately meets up with structures of the states that seek to obstruct or eliminate this mode of political engagement, not just through banning of artistic expression, but also through processes of delegitimization, investigatory targeting, threats, hate speech, and violence. / Anthropology

The freedom of speech, caricatures and satire, bans on veils and burning of the Koran have been reported and portrayed in different ways in several news media. The aim of this study was to analyze how the burnings of the Koran in Sweden are portrayed in Swedish media (Dagens Nyheter) compared to English-language Arabic media (Al Arabiya). With the framing theory and postcolonial theory as a theoretical basis, we asked the following research questions: What themes can be found in the reporting of the Koran burning in Dagens Nyheter and Al Arabyia? How is Sweden represented in the various news media? The analysis method we have used is qualitative thematic analysis. In the analysis, four themes emerged: Sweden's image, freedom of speech and blasphemy, Koran burners and demonstrations. Based on a postcolonial-, orientalist-, and occidentalist approach the results show that there was often an “us and them” feeling from both sides. It may also depend on which media logic is used in the various media newsrooms and which audience the media outlets are targeting.