Esta dissertação é dedicada à interpretação do direito à liberdade de expressão disponível na obra do filósofo Ronald Dworkin. No primeiro capítulo, abordo o sentido em que o autor fala de direitos, o significado das liberdades no seu pensamento, e o esforço por ele feito de integrá-las à sua concepção de justiça distributiva, a saber, a igualdade de recursos. O capítulo segundo é dedicado a aspecto importante da teoria do autor: a continuidade entre ética e moral, em especial à sua teoria da dignidade, seja na forma do que chama de modelo do desafio, seja na forma de dois princípios (do respeito-próprio e da autenticidade). Ele também explora consequências da teoria ética de Dworkin às liberdades e a integração entre ela e o valor da igualdade. O terceiro capítulo, então, é dedicado mais diretamente ao direito à liberdade de expressão como Dworkin o concebe: integrado à justiça distributiva e fundamentado no que chama de independência ética e na autenticidade que marca a igualdade de recursos, bem como a uma concepção de democracia, de que fazem parte, a depender da terminologia que adota em diferentes trabalhos, agência, e os princípios ou dimensões da sua concepção de democracia como parceria. Também faz parte do terceiro capítulo discussão de casos concretos, em que a generosidade de Dworkin em relação ao direito objeto da dissertação se evidencia. Discuto por que Dworkin inclui na liberdade de expressão o discurso de ódios e pornografia mas também por que, justamente pelo seu fundamento na dignidade do emissor, não inclui a liberdade de imprensa, a liberdade acadêmica, e os atos de expressão por empresas. A conclusão da dissertação é dedicada às suas ideias de cultura de liberdade e de cultura de independência. / This dissertation is dedicated to the interpretation of the right to free speech available in the work of philosopher Ronald Dworkin. In the first chapter, I dwell with the sense in which the author speaks of rights, with the meaning of liberties in his thought, and his effort to integrate them to his conception of distributive justice, namely, equality of resources. The second chapter is dedicated to an important aspect of the authors theory: the continuity between ethics and morals, especially his theory of dignity, either in the form o what he calls the model of challenge or in the form of two principles (of self-respect and authenticity). It also explores the consequences of Dworkins ethical theory to the liberties and integration between it and the value of equality. Then, the third chapter is dedicated more directly to the right of free speech as Dworkin conceives it: integrated to distributive justice and founded in what he calls ethical independence and in the authenticity that marks equality of resources, as well as in a conception of democracy, formed, depending on the terminology he adopts at different works, agency and the principles or dimensions of his partnership conception of democracy. It is also part of the third chapter discussion of concrete cases, where Dworkins generosity towards the right which is the object of the dissertation makes itself evident. I discuss why Dworkin includes in free speech hate speech and pornography but also why, precisely because of its foundation in the dignity of the speaker, does not include freedom of the press, academic freedom and expressive acts by companies. The conclusion of the dissertation is dedicated to his ideas of culture of liberty and culture of independence.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T20:19:32Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Danilo Augusto Ferreira.pdf: 892207 bytes, checksum: 40bb0d59277f45a854e3ccbe65583529 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010-10-18 / Communicating through speech, distinguishes humans from other animals living among the world. Justified, therefore, the choice of the theme of this thesis, taking into consideration the fundamental right of free expression of thought or free expression. However, there is a growing trend of law, and more, the trend also an increasing trend in criminal law protect the legal interests which, in theory and in agreement with the guidelines established by the social model established with the advent of the promulgation of the Constitution Federative Republic of Brazil, from October 5, 1988, should not it be subject to safeguards. However, the objective is to present work to determine the meaning of democratic rule of law, its scope and its limitations, consolidating the constitution is an instrument of state activity adjacent to the forehead of fundamental rights and guarantees in them. The Penal Law constitute the field of law that a greater quantity and quality violates individual liberty, it will examine its mission and its approval of constitutional expertise, particularly with regard to inherent limitations and, apparently conflicting, to freedom of expression and thus the rights to inform, to inform and be informed / A comunicação, por intermédio da fala, diferencia o Homem dos demais animais existentes dentre os seres vivos. Justifica-se, portanto, a escolha do tema da presente dissertação, tendo em consideração o direito fundamental da livre manifestação do pensamento, ou livre expressão. Todavia, nota-se a crescente tendência do Direito, e mais, a também crescente e constante tendência do Direito Penal em tutelar bens jurídicos que, em tese e, em concordância com as diretrizes estabelecidas pelo modelo social estabelecido com o advento da promulgação da Constituição da República Federativa do Brasil, de 05 de outubro de 1988, não deveriam por ele serem objeto de salvaguarda. Assim, objetiva-se com o presente trabalho, determinar-se o significado do Estado Democrático de Direito, sua abrangência e suas limitações, consubstanciando-se a Constituição instrumento limítrofe da atividade estatal de fronte aos direitos e garantias fundamentais nela dispostos. A constituir o Direito Penal o ramo do direito que em maior quantidade e qualidade viola a liberdade individual, analisar-se-á sua missão, bem como sua autorização constitucional de atuação, notadamente no que diz respeito às limitações inerentes e, aparentemente conflitantes, à liberdade de expressão e, assim, aos direitos de informar, se informar e de ser informado

A pornogra a foi apresentada como problema político por uma ramificação anti-porn do feminismo no final dos anos 1970 nos EUA. Esse grupo rompeu com o feminismo liberal e com perspectivas liberais de igualdade sexual ao tratar radicalmente a excitação sexual masculina como uma forma de subordinação da mulher e discriminação sexual, dadas condições específicas sob as quais a excitação era concebida como danosa. Mas essas condições, do modo como foram definidas por esse grupo, eram muito amplas. Quando interpretadas, poderiam ir de situações de tortura e estupro reais até a leitura da Ilíada. Essa definição foi codificada em lei por Catherine MacKinnon nos anos 1980, mas rejeitada pela Suprema Corte como tentativa de censura de conteúdo, uma violação da liberdade de expressão. Da perspectiva anti-porn, a Suprema Corte decidiu que a liberdade de expressão era superior a igualdade sexual, e que a pornogra a poderia continuar a subordinar as mulheres aos homens. O problema político que encontramos aqui e o problema de como equilibrar liberdade e igualdade, de modo que as pessoas sejam tratadas com igualdade sem ter sua liberdade violada. Apresentamos uma crítica liberal, de Ronald Dworkin, a posição anti-porn. Ela é uma defesa singular da pornografia, pois não apela a liberdade de expressão, mas sim ao próprio direito a igualdade A pornografia é defendida como um importante modo de vida para muitas pessoas que têm diferentes perspectivas sobre o valor e o significado da prática pornográfica. Elas têm um direito a independência moral, que a definição anti-porn de pornografia viola, pois tenta atribuir tanto o valor como o sentido da prática sem consideração pelos valores e sentidos que pessoas de fato envolvidas na pornografia dão a ela. A liberdade de expressãoé concebida como necessária a esse processo de dar valor e sentido a uma atividade. Segundo essa concepção, liberdade não conflita com igualdade, porque, para que sejam tratadas com igualdade, as pessoas devem ser livres para expressar, atrav es de suas vidas, diferentes valores e sentidos, que por sua vez devem ser respeitados em decisões políticas que as afetam. A posição liberal deixa aberta a possibilidade de reformar a pornografia, de as pessoas reinventarem a pornografia do modo como for adequado as suas vidas em sua presente situação, enquanto a anti-porn não deixa, pois concebe a pornografia de um modo unico e fixo. A principal critica liberal da posição anti-porn, portanto, nãoé sobre seu conteúdo, sobre o que feministas anti-porn dizem que a pornografia seja ou faça, mas ao modo como elas tratam as pessoas, que é sem respeito pelo sentido de suas atividades e pelo valor que estão tentando dar as suas vidas através da pornografia. / Pornography was introduced as a political problem by the anti-porn branch of feminism in the late 1970's in the USA. This group broke with liberal feminism and liberal perspectives on sexual equality when they radically treated male sexual excitement as a form of women subordination and sex discrimination, given speci c conditions under which the excitement was conceived as harmful. But those conditions, the way they were de ned by this group, were very broad. When interpreted, they could go from actual situations of torture and rape to the reading of the Iliad. This de nition was codi ed into law by Catherine MacKinnon in the 1980's but rejected by the Supreme Court as an attempt of content censorship, a violation of freedom of expression. From the anti-porn perspective, the Supreme Court decided that freedom of speech was superior to sex equality, and that pornography could continue to subordinate women to men. The political problem that we nd here is the problem of how to balance liberty and equality, so that people can be treated with equality while not having their freedom violated. We present a liberal critique, by Ronald Dworkin, of the anti-porn position. It's a singular defense of pornography, as it does not call for freedom of expression but for the right to equality itself. Pornography is defended as an important way of life for many people that have di erent perspectives on the value and meaning of the pornographic practice They have a right to moral independence, which the anti-porn de nition of pornography violates as it tries to give both the value and the meaning of the practice without concern for the value and meaning people actually involved in pornography give to it. Freedom of expression is conceived as necessary for this process of giving value and meaning to an activity. In that sense, liberty does not con ict with equality, because for people to be treated with equality they should be free to express, through their lives, di erent values and meanings, which in turn should be respected in political decisions a ecting them. The liberal position leaves open the possibility to reform pornography, for people to reinvent pornography as they see t for their lives in their present situation, which the anti-porn does not, since it conceives pornography in a single and xed way. The main liberal critique of the anti-porn position, thus, is not about it's content, about what anti-porn feminists say pornography is or what pornography does, but the way they treat people, which is without respect for the meaning of their actvity and the value they are trying to give to their lives through pornography.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-03-15T19:34:13Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2014-08-05 / It dissertation sought to investigate the reasoning used by the Supreme Court in decisions involving the fundamental principle of freedom of expression and to compare it with the theoretical model proposed by Marcelo Neves. We conclude that the Supreme Court takes the position of the judge Hydra with strong appeal to principles arguments without compromising methodological consistency and soundness of decisions. The research followed the quantitative and qualitative forms and timeframe set as the trial date "Ellwanger case", in September 2003, up to the limit of December 31, 2013. Starting point was the hypothesis that the constitutional court has a vacillating jurisprudence on the subject, not using insurance technical arguments to provide the necessary predictability to pronouncements. To achieve the proposed objective analysis of the characteristics of State Legislative and Constitutional, successful presentation of the characteristics of judges Hydra, Hercules and Iolau was performed. Then were enrolled why freedom of expression is understood as a fundamental right, as well as theories in vogue on the restriction of the right in question. The finding that the Supreme Court judge resembles the Hydra was made by analysis of three factors: the prevailing theory of restriction on a fundamental right, the constitutionality of the restriction of message content and dynamics of limiting the disclosure of matters of collective interest. / Trata-se de dissertação que procurou investigar a argumentação utilizada pelo Supremo Tribunal Federal nas decisões envolvendo o princípio fundamental da liberdade de expressão e confrontá-la com o modelo teórico de juiz proposto por Marcelo Neves. Conclui -se que o Supremo Tribunal Federal adota a postura do juiz Hidra, com forte apelo a argumentos principiológicos, sem coerência metodológica e comprometedores da solidez das decisões. A pesquisa seguiu as formas quantitativas e qualitativas e fixou como marco temporal a data do julgamento caso Ellwanger , em setembro de 2003, até o limite de 31 de dezembro de 2013. Partiu-se da hipótese de trabalho de que a corte constitucional possui uma jurisprudência vacilante sobre o tema, não empregando argumentos técnicos seguros para conferir a necessária previsibilidade aos pronunciamentos. Para atingir o objetivo proposto foi realizada uma análise das características dos Estados Legislativo e Constitucional, sucedida da apresentação das características dos juízes Hidra, Hércules e Iolau. Em seguida, foram arroladas as razões pelas quais a liberdade de expressão é entendida como direito fundamental, bem como as teorias em voga acerca da restrição do direito em questão. A constatação de que o Supremo Tribunal Federal se assemelha ao juiz Hidra decorreu da análise de três fatores: a teoria prevalecente de restrição ao direito fundamental, a constitucionalidade da restrição do conteúdo da mensagem e a dinâmica da limitação a divulgação de matéria de interesse coletivo.

<p>We have studied the effects that blogs have on the society through interviews with influential bloggers, a news director and the founder of Sweden’s largest blogprovider.</p><p>Existing theoretical work by other researchers have been used as a starting point to our thesis. Via a deductive method we then proceeded to test these existing models and viewpoints on the reality.</p><p>Through our research we have concluded that blogs, if they co-operate, have an agenda-setting function, and that they can affect newspapers to write about certain topics.</p><p>We have also discussed blogs role as media watch dogs. Gunilla Sax, news director, questions the blog world’s ability to fully cover all media, and to deliver a systematic and just review of the media. Through her reasoning we have come to think that it is vital the blog society continues to evolve and mature, and we suggest that there might be a need for some sort of interest organization to coordinate the highly decentralized blog community.</p><p>Blogs can either be seen as a complement to the news-industry, or as an alternative. Respondents reflect about several differences amongst newspapers and blogs, mainly regarding the methods of work. However, they also confirm what, for example, Bruns (2008) and Våge et al. (2005) writes about the co-dependence that exists between regular newsmedia and the blog community.</p>

Thesis (M.A. (Communication Studies))--North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2007.

Freedom of speech is a right guaranteed by the US, the EU, and China; however, just because a right is guaranteed does not mean the government cannot manipulate the right to achieve its ends. Freedom of speech is commonly associated with the power of language; citizens speak in order to take control of those governing them, in order to assert their desires. In reality, freedom of speech is far more beneficial for governments, who can use this dissent to better control a population. In order to control the population, though, the governments must first control the dissenting speech, the discourse, surrounding an issue. In the case studies that follow, these three governments with very different regimes will manipulate discourses elicited in the name of free speech in order to advance the governments’ plans, even when these plans went against the stated public interest and ignored the dissenting citizens. This thesis, in essence, examines how freedom of speech can become a tool of power for regimes.

SAMMANFATTNING Syftet med uppsatsen har varit att beskriva och analysera gällande rätt, vad avser förhållandet mellan den kommunala arbetstagarens rättigheter till yttrandefrihet kontra den lojalitetsplikt som denne genom anställningsavtalet har gentemot sin arbetsgivare. Eftersom det finns en hel del praxis inom området främst från Justitieombudsmannen (JO), eftersom det rör sig om kommunal verksamhet, använder jag mig i uppsatsen av flera uttalanden och beslut från denna instans. Yttrandefriheten är en av de mest grundläggande rättigheterna i ett demokratiskt samhälle och är i Sverige en grundlagsfäst rättighet. Rätten att fritt kunna uttrycka sin uppfattning är viktig för att information skall kunna spridas, och att alla skall kunna vara med och påverka samhället via dialog och debatt. Teknikens utveckling och sociala mediers utbredning gör att information och åsikter blir lättillgängliga för en stor krets av mottagare. Att använda sig av sociala medier och via bloggar och facebook ge uttryck för åsikter och attityder blir allt mer frekvent förekommande, och det är inte helt ovanligt att man som arbetstagare kommenterar sin arbetsplats, chef eller verksamheten man är anställd inom. Arbetstagaren i den kommunala verksamheten har ett förstärkt skydd för sin yttrandefrihet gentemot arbetsgivaren (det allmänna) genom den grundlagsfästa meddelarfriheten och meddelarskyddet. I uppsatsen redogör jag för de rättigheter och det skydd som den kommunala arbetstagaren har när det gäller att utnyttja sin yttrandefrihet i form av kritiska uttalanden gentemot arbetsgivaren. Förutom rättigheten att uttrycka kritik gentemot sin arbetsgivare har den kommunala arbetstagaren också skyldigheter att anmäla missförhållanden inom vissa områden, Detta via lex Maria och lex Sarah, vilket jag också redogör för. I uppsatsen beskriver jag även det betänkande som i april i år (2011) presenterats angående lex Sarah inom skolan. I uppsatsen konstaterar jag att rätten till yttrandefrihet går före den lojalitetsplikt som i och med anställningsavtalets ingående uppstår. Jag konstaterar att lojalitetsplikten i kommunal verksamhet inte existerar när det gäller negativa eller kritiska yttranden gentemot arbetsgivaren. Lojalitetsplikten handlar för den kommunala arbetstagaren i själva verket enbart om hur man skall utföra sina arbetsuppgifter, inte vad arbetstagaren uttrycker om sin arbetsgivare. / Abstract The purpose of this essay is to explain and analyze the law, how the relations between the municipal employee towards freedom of speech work against the duty of loyalty the employee has towards the employer through the employment contract. Because of the high amount of standardized practice within this field, especially from the ombudsman, and because this essay is about the municipal functions, the essay will consist of multiple statements and decisions from these instances. The freedom of speech is one of the most fundamental rights in a democratic society – and in Sweden a right that is supported by the constitution. The right to freely express your own opinion is important for the information to spread, and for everybody to be able to affect the society via dialog and debate. The technological development and social media’s spread make information and opinions more accessible to a larger audience. The use of this kind of media such as blogs and the extensive use of Facebook to express opinions and different attitudes become used more frequently, it is not uncommon for a employee to make comments about his or hers workplace, boss or the field of work in one of these digital medias. The Employee in the municipal operation has a strong protection when it comes to freedom of speech towards the employer, through the constitutional freedom of information and the protection of sources. The essay will cover the rights and the protections that the municipal employees have when it comes to the use of freedom of speech in criticism towards the employer. Aside from the right to express criticism towards the employer, the municipal employee also have obligations to address anomalies within some fields, which will be described in the essay. Lex Maria and lex Sarah regulate this. I also describe a report that just has been presented concerning the lex Sarah in schools. In the essay I note that the freedom of speech will be prioritized before the duty of loyalty the employee has against the employer. And I note that the duty of loyalty in municipal operations does not exist when it comes to negative opinions or criticism against the employer. The duty of loyalty for the municipal employee is only about how the employer should carry out his work duties, and not what the employee, express about their employer.

We have studied the effects that blogs have on the society through interviews with influential bloggers, a news director and the founder of Sweden’s largest blogprovider. Existing theoretical work by other researchers have been used as a starting point to our thesis. Via a deductive method we then proceeded to test these existing models and viewpoints on the reality. Through our research we have concluded that blogs, if they co-operate, have an agenda-setting function, and that they can affect newspapers to write about certain topics. We have also discussed blogs role as media watch dogs. Gunilla Sax, news director, questions the blog world’s ability to fully cover all media, and to deliver a systematic and just review of the media. Through her reasoning we have come to think that it is vital the blog society continues to evolve and mature, and we suggest that there might be a need for some sort of interest organization to coordinate the highly decentralized blog community. Blogs can either be seen as a complement to the news-industry, or as an alternative. Respondents reflect about several differences amongst newspapers and blogs, mainly regarding the methods of work. However, they also confirm what, for example, Bruns (2008) and Våge et al. (2005) writes about the co-dependence that exists between regular newsmedia and the blog community.

Magistro baigiamajame darbe nagrinėjama žodžio (išraiškos) laisvės teisės ribų teisinio reglamentavimo Lietuvoje problema. Aptarti žodžio (išraiškos) laisvės teisės istorinės ištakos, raidos etapai, žodžio (išraiškos) laisvės teisės vieta žmogaus teisių sistemoje. Pabrėžiama, jog žodžio laisvė nėra absoliuti, o norint apsaugoti svarbesnius visuomenės interesus arba atskirų asmenų teises nustatomos tam tikros žodžio laisvės ribos. Taip pat prieita nuomonės, jog žodžio laisvės teisė ir informacijos laisvės teisė yra dvi skirtingos fundamentinės žmogaus teisės – informacijos gavimo teisė yra socialinė kategorija, tuo tarpu žodžio laisvė, kaip žmogaus saviraiškos būdas, yra greičiau dvasinė kategorija. Analizuojant žodžio (išraiškos) laisvės ribojimo pagrindus, aptarta teisės ir moralės santykio problema. Aptariant minėtą problemą, rėmėmės I.Kanto žmogaus valios autonomija. Paaiškėjo, jog teisėta veikla išplaukia ne iš išorinio reglamentavimo, o iš vidinio asmens apsisprendimo veikti moraliai, iš pagarbos proto principams. Moralės dėsnis “įrašytas” žmogaus dvasioje ir žmogus yra laisvas, jei jis veikia vadovaudamasis moralės įstatymu. Filosofiniu požiūriu analizuota žodžio (išraiškos) laisvės teisės struktūra. Žodžio (išraiškos) laisvės teisę lemia tiesos ir gėrio filosofinės kategorijos. Žodžio (išraiškos) laisvė sietina su tiesos skelbimu gera valia ir gėrio siekimu. Tiesa sudaro intelektualinį žodžio (išraiškos) laisvės naudojimo aspektą, o gėris valinį aspektą. Darbe... [toliau žr. visą tekstą] / In this Master’s paper the legal regulation issue of free speech limits in Lithuania is analyzed. Historical fountainhead of free speech, its process and position in the system of human rights are discussed. It is emphasized that the freedom of speech is not absolute, and on purpose to protect the public interest that are more important or the rights of each individual person some particular limits of free speech are set down. It has also been considered that freedom of speech and freedom of information are two different kinds of fundamental human rights. The freedom of information is a social category whereas the freedom of speech that is like a way of a person’s self-expression is rather a moral category. While analyzing the basis of free speech limits the problem of relation between law and morality has been discussed appealing to I. Kant autonomy of human will. It appeared that good will is one that acts from duty in accordance with the universal moral law that the autonomous human being freely gives itself. This law obliges one to treat humanity — understood as rational agency, and represented through oneself as well as others — as an end in itself rather than as means. The structure of free speech has been analysed philosophically. It occurred that freedom of speech is conditioned by the philosophical categories of the truth and the good. The free speech is related to proclamation of the truth, good will and endeavor to seek the good. The truth makes an intellectual... [to full text]