Thesis (M.A.)--University of Canterbury, 2006. / Typescript (photocopy). Includes bibliographical references (leaves 113-120). Also available via the World Wide Web.

Thesis (MPhil (Journalism))--University of Stellenbosch, 2009. / The development of the regulation and self-regulation of Die Matie, official student newspaper of the University of Stellenbosch (US), were researched in this study. Die Matie is subjected to a complete code of conduct since 1995, which has been approved by the US council. This code developed after several conflicts with university authorities in a period in which South Africa changed into a new political system and when government became more tolerant towards the press. The origin and development of Die Matie’s code of conduct, the operations of the Media Council, the origin and development of the Die Matie’s Financial Advisory Committee, and developments in terms of the subsidy Die Matie receives from the US on an annual basis, are therefore studied with in the context of the regulation and self-regulation of the South African press in general. The theoretical framework with in which this study was done is the normative media theory because this theory focuses on the ideal role the media should fulfil in society. The normative media theory also offers a basis from which the media’s responsibility and the quality of the media can be tested and controlled. The study has focused especially on the theory of social responsibility, which is one of the four original press theories and of which regulation and self-regulation forms a part. The methodology which has been used is that of historical research, a qualitative methode. This methode was refined even further more by using the approach of microhistory which, firstly, entails the analising of a small area, and secondly acknowledges the researcher’s personal experience of the subject. The study came to the conclusion that Die Matie firstly enforces self-regulation via its code of conduct, the Media Council and the Financial Advisory Committee. Secondly the editorial team has the freedom to publish whatever they would like to publish and to be as critical and controversial as they find necessary as long as they obey the regulations of the code of conduct. The study also finds that Die Matie’s position is currently protected and that the university authorities and the Student Representative Council can not take any random decisions about the existence of the newspaper.

O trabalho analisou os projetos de regulação das atividades da imprensa brasileira, discutindo a recepção, pelos jornais e no Parlamento, das legislações apresentadas e aprovadas durante o período republicano, nos anos de 1923, 1934, 1953 e 1967, e também o projeto rejeitado em 1956. Todos esses regulamentos, propostos por diferentes governos ao Congresso Nacional, foram discutidos e salientados ao público através de informações divulgadas pelos jornais escolhidos e também nas reuniões promovidas pelos congressistas e registradas em documentos oficiais, o que tornou possível identificar os argumentos utilizados tanto pelos periódicos quanto pelo sistema político, demonstrando que o tema da liberdade de imprensa se constituiu como discurso retórico usado por ambas as partes – governos e jornais – em defesa de sua atuação social. O trabalho de produção de notícias e informações, desenvolvido pela imprensa, foi configurado por movimentos históricos originados no Iluminismo, que projetava essa atividade como forma de propiciar ao cidadão as ferramentas para atuar na esfera pública, desde que respeitadas proposições que permitissem que os diferentes discursos fossem levados ao conhecimento do público. No processo histórico que levou ao desenho institucional da imprensa brasileira, essa condição ficou prejudicada, dentre outros motivos por ter a imprensa se tornado objeto de interesse de grupos sociais específicos, o que produziu conflitos com os governos. A tese concluiu que o processo histórico de elaboração das leis que deveriam regular o trabalho da imprensa teve uma recepção negativa pelos jornais, que argumentaram ser essa legislação uma tentativa de obstruir o trabalho por eles desenvolvido. No entanto, como se demonstrou, o processo resultou da disputa política e social protagonizada pelos diferentes grupos de interesse – imprensa e jornais – colocando em lados opostos os governos e as organizações jornalísticas, em torno da liderança pela atuação como mediador entre os cidadãos e o Estado. / This paper analyzes bills intended to regulate Brazilian press activities, as well as discusses the receptivity of the legislation submitted and passed by newspapers and the Parliament during the republican period in the years 1923, 1934, 1953 and 1967, in addition to the bill which was rejected in 1956. All these regulations, which were submitted to the National Congress by different governments, were shown and highlighted to the public through information published in selected newspapers and meetings promoted by congressmen and recorded in official documentation, which enabled the identification of arguments used by both newspapers and the political system, thus demonstrating that the theme of freedom of the press was rather a rhetorical discourse used by both parties – governments and newspapers – in the defense of their social performance. The task of producing news and information developed by the press has been shaped up by historical movements originated in the Enlightenment period, which projected this activity as a way of providing the citizen with the tools to act in the public sphere, on condition that the propositions allowing that different speeches brought to the attention of the public were respected. In the historical process that led to the institutional design of the Brazilian press, this condition was impaired, among other reasons because the press became an object of interest of specific social groups, giving rise to conflicts with governments. The thesis concluded that the historical process of drafting laws which should regulate the work of the press was not welcome by newspapers, which argued that this legislation was an attempt to interfere with their work. Nevertheless, as it has been shown, the process resulted from a political and social dispute between different interest groups – press and newspapers – placing governments and news organizations on opposite sides as to who should lead the mediation between citizens and the State.

O trabalho analisou os projetos de regulação das atividades da imprensa brasileira, discutindo a recepção, pelos jornais e no Parlamento, das legislações apresentadas e aprovadas durante o período republicano, nos anos de 1923, 1934, 1953 e 1967, e também o projeto rejeitado em 1956. Todos esses regulamentos, propostos por diferentes governos ao Congresso Nacional, foram discutidos e salientados ao público através de informações divulgadas pelos jornais escolhidos e também nas reuniões promovidas pelos congressistas e registradas em documentos oficiais, o que tornou possível identificar os argumentos utilizados tanto pelos periódicos quanto pelo sistema político, demonstrando que o tema da liberdade de imprensa se constituiu como discurso retórico usado por ambas as partes – governos e jornais – em defesa de sua atuação social. O trabalho de produção de notícias e informações, desenvolvido pela imprensa, foi configurado por movimentos históricos originados no Iluminismo, que projetava essa atividade como forma de propiciar ao cidadão as ferramentas para atuar na esfera pública, desde que respeitadas proposições que permitissem que os diferentes discursos fossem levados ao conhecimento do público. No processo histórico que levou ao desenho institucional da imprensa brasileira, essa condição ficou prejudicada, dentre outros motivos por ter a imprensa se tornado objeto de interesse de grupos sociais específicos, o que produziu conflitos com os governos. A tese concluiu que o processo histórico de elaboração das leis que deveriam regular o trabalho da imprensa teve uma recepção negativa pelos jornais, que argumentaram ser essa legislação uma tentativa de obstruir o trabalho por eles desenvolvido. No entanto, como se demonstrou, o processo resultou da disputa política e social protagonizada pelos diferentes grupos de interesse – imprensa e jornais – colocando em lados opostos os governos e as organizações jornalísticas, em torno da liderança pela atuação como mediador entre os cidadãos e o Estado. / This paper analyzes bills intended to regulate Brazilian press activities, as well as discusses the receptivity of the legislation submitted and passed by newspapers and the Parliament during the republican period in the years 1923, 1934, 1953 and 1967, in addition to the bill which was rejected in 1956. All these regulations, which were submitted to the National Congress by different governments, were shown and highlighted to the public through information published in selected newspapers and meetings promoted by congressmen and recorded in official documentation, which enabled the identification of arguments used by both newspapers and the political system, thus demonstrating that the theme of freedom of the press was rather a rhetorical discourse used by both parties – governments and newspapers – in the defense of their social performance. The task of producing news and information developed by the press has been shaped up by historical movements originated in the Enlightenment period, which projected this activity as a way of providing the citizen with the tools to act in the public sphere, on condition that the propositions allowing that different speeches brought to the attention of the public were respected. In the historical process that led to the institutional design of the Brazilian press, this condition was impaired, among other reasons because the press became an object of interest of specific social groups, giving rise to conflicts with governments. The thesis concluded that the historical process of drafting laws which should regulate the work of the press was not welcome by newspapers, which argued that this legislation was an attempt to interfere with their work. Nevertheless, as it has been shown, the process resulted from a political and social dispute between different interest groups – press and newspapers – placing governments and news organizations on opposite sides as to who should lead the mediation between citizens and the State.

Freedom of speech as a basic right is the starting point of the article. The Inter-American legal framework contributes pondering on the importance plurality and the vast array of information have in the validity of this right and democracy in general. This consideration is done from the standards given by the Commission reports and the Inter-American Court of Human Rights case law. The article ponders on how and how much the exercise of freedom of speech right is affected by the excessive concentrationof personal property and control over the media. / El artículo toma como punto de partida que la libertad de expresión forma parte del corpus de derechos fundamentales que el marco jurídico interamericano para reflexionar sobre la importancia de la pluralidad y la diversidad de la información tienen para la vigencia de este derecho y de la democracia en general. Esta reflexión se realiza a partir de los estándares construidos por los informes de la Comisión y la jurisprudencia de la Corte interamericanas. El texto reflexiona sobre cuánto y cómo afecta, al pleno ejercicio de la libertad de expresión, la excesiva concentración de la propiedad privada y del control de los medios de comunicación.

The aim of this bachelor thesis is to make a theoretical analysis of the democratic development in the Iraqi Kurdistan and to distinguish its democratic character. It has occurred a radical change in the political structure after the Kurdish uprising in the northern region of Iraq in relation with the Kuwaiti war in 1991. The situation in the Kurdish region became more and more acute when they where exposed of international sanctions mandated under UN and economic embargo by the Baghdad regime. This political vacuum led ironically to the establishment of the political institutions in the region. The theoretical framework is constructed thru the democratic theory presented in Robert Dahls discussion of polyarki and Arend Lijpharts theory of consociational democracy. Thus my method of this thesis is a qualitative case-study research. The empirical sources contain one interview and the rest is different types of documents. The result of the study shows that the Kurdish democracy contains elements of polyarki and consociational democracy, but it fails on the fundamental democratic principle: freedom of speech. Even though there are insufficiencies in the freedom of speech, the Kurdish democracy can be classified as a developing democracy.

Este trabalho procura debater a liberdade constitucional de informação sob um viés não usual ao direito constitucional brasileiro. Seu ponto de partida é a proteção ao sigilo de fonte para jornalistas profissionais, consagrada pelo texto constitucional. Essa regra parece pressupor uma distinção possível e clara entre jornalistas e demais cidadãos. Mas como compreendê-la em um cenário atual no qual: a) as condições tecnológicas permitem que qualquer cidadão, a um custo baixo ou quase inexistente, publique informações para um número indistinto de pessoas, e; b) o Supremo Tribunal Federal tenha reconhecido que o Estado não pode exigir a obtenção de um diploma de ensino superior para diferenciar a categoria de jornalistas? Logo, o pano de fundo deste trabalho é a possibilidade de o Estado diferenciar jornalistas de demais cidadãos com relação à concessão de prerrogativas para o exercício da liberdade de informação. Nos Estados Unidos, esse é um debate relevante ao menos desde a década de 1970. São apresentados seus principais aspectos: por um lado, a jurisprudência de sua Suprema Corte, que se negou sistematicamente a diferenciar direitos próprios à liberdade de imprensa (Press Clause) em comparação com a liberdade de expressão (Speech Clause); por outro, as abordagens funcional e institucional à liberdade de imprensa, composta respectivamente por autores favoráveis e críticos àquela linha jurisprudencial. Ao final, a partir de uma perspectiva crítica e da adoção de fundamentos jurídicos, busca-se analisar a regra constitucional do sigilo de fonte e propor parâmetros interpretativos para sua aplicação. / This paper seeks to debate the constitutional freedom of information under an aspect not common to Brazilian constitutional law. The departure point is the reporters privilege, constitutionally protected for professionals by law. That rule seems assume a possible and clear distinction between journalists and other citizens. But how to understand it under a scenario where: a) the technological conditions allow any citizen, with very cheap or barely existing costs, to publish information for an indistinct number of people, and; b) the Supreme Federal Court has recognized that the State may not license journalists by a college degree diploma? Thus, the background subject of this paper is the possibility that the State differentiates journalists from other citizens in regard to the concession of prerogatives for the exercise of the freedom of information. In the United States, this has been a relevant debate at least since de 1970s. The main aspects are presented: on one hand, the Supreme Courts case law that has systematically denied to differentiate exclusive rights deriving from the Press Clause in comparison to the Speech Clause; on the other hand, the functional and institutional approaches to freedom of the press, respectively representing the authors favorable and critics to that judicial construction. Finally, taking on from a critic perspective and adopting legal fundaments, it seeks to analyze the constitutional rule of the reporters privilege and to propose interpretative standards for it.

This paper’s purpose is to assess Kurdistan Region of Iraq’s democracy, in two different points in time: one stretching from 1992 to 2003 and another stretching from 2003 to 2017. Robert A. Dahl’s polyarchy model is used as the theoretic framework and an ideal type. The polyarchy model contains seven different criteria (referred to as “institutions” by Dahl) that all need to be met for the “country” to be considered a polyarchy (which is what is most usually referred to as a “democracy”). The material is mostly based on annual reports and other source material from human rights organizations such as Reporters without Borders and Freedom House, but also from independent election observers. The conclusion of this paper is that Kurdistan Region of Iraq in the second time period fulfills the criteria for having “Free and Fair elections”, which it did not in the first time period (1992 – 2003). The criteria “Alternative sources of information” was however fulfilled in the first time period, but not the second. Although the most basic institutions of polyarchy, such as elected officials and universal suffrage, are present in the first time period (1992 – 2003) the actual restrictions on freedom of speech and alternative sources of information, makes Kurdistan Region of Iraq fall short of polyarchy in that time period. Although there is an overall improvement in some of the criterion from the first time period to the second, Kurdistan Region of Iraq does not fulfill all of the necessary criterion to be considered a polyarchy in the second time period either.

Le droit pénal ne contient, certes, aucune infraction de prosélytisme intellectuel nommée comme telle, mais il connaît, depuis longtemps, la conversion idéologique et s’y intéresse par le moyen de plusieurs types d’incriminations. En effet, s’il demeure, au nom du respect des libertés fondamentales, complètement indifférent à l’appropriation d’une idéologie par le prosélyte, il intervient à chaque fois que l’expression de celle-ci porte atteinte aux valeurs sociales qu’il protège. C’est notamment le cas lorsqu’une idéologie agressive est diffusée : elle échappe à tout contrôle possible par le prosélyte, si bien que sa propagation est source de trouble pour l’ordre public et justifie ainsi sa répression par une infraction d’idéologie. En outre, le droit pénal s’intéresse au comportement du prosélyte : lorsque l’acte qu’il réalise en vue de convertir autrui à une idéologie heurte les valeurs protégées par le législateur pénal, des infractions par idéologie existent pour limiter le prosélytisme intellectuel. Elles ont vocation à réprimer non pas la conversion idéologique en tant que telle, mais les moyens utilisés par le prosélyte au cours du processus de conversion et qui constituent, eux, une menace pour l’ordre et la sécurité publics. Par conséquent, que ce soit à travers des infractions d’idéologie ou par idéologie, le droit pénal contient déjà la réponse pour combattre le prosélytisme intellectuel qui risque de menacer la tranquillité sociale. Dès lors, en dépit de la tendance actuelle qui privilégie le recours à l’arme répressive pour combattre le terrorisme, les sectes dites dangereuses et l’homme criminel – dangereux, à son tour –, aucune intervention législative qui irait dans le sens de la création d’une nouvelle incrimination de prosélytisme intellectuel n’est la bienvenue. En revanche, l’étude du prosélytisme intellectuel a permis de mettre en évidence une particularité propre au délinquant prosélyte qui devrait être prise en compte aussi bien par le législateur que par le juge pénal : animé par une idéologie, le prosélyte devrait être toujours traité comme un délinquant politique et les infractions de prosélytisme intellectuel innommées devraient alors, elles aussi, recevoir cette qualification. / Criminal law does not explicitly incorporate criminal offenses directly related to intellectual proselytism per se. Nevertheless, references to ideological conversion have long been cited in several types of criminal offenses. Criminal law holds that each person has the fundamental human right of freedom of thought, conscience, and religion, and does not interfere in the act of a proselyte adopting an ideology. However, the law is implicated whenever an ideology is conveyed in such a manner that threatens the social values the law is bound to protect. For instance, an aggressive ideology is a real danger to the public order, and can spread and spin out of control. In such cases, it is justified and necessary to consider ideological conversion as a crime named ideological offense.Furthermore, the behavior of the proselyte is of concern, whenever an action to convert a person to an ideology is in conflict with the values that criminal legislators are protecting. Specific offenses induced by an ideology are in place to impede intellectual proselytism. These types of offenses aim to penalize the methods used by the proselyte during conversion, rather than prohibit the ideological conversion itself, as the methods themselves constitute a danger to the public order and safety.Consequently, criminal law already encompasses offenses based on ideological ground or induced by ideology, and which constrain intellectual proselytism that is at risk of disturbing the social order. Any new draft law and intervention to propose additional incrimination related to intellectual proselytism are questionable, in spite of the recent tendency to eradicate terrorism, dangerous sects, or criminals by means of repressive weapons.Interestingly, the study completed on intellectual proselytism has shown that there exist particularities of an intellectual proselyte which are analogous to a political delinquent. And this fact must be taken into account by both prosecutors and criminal judges. A proselyte who is supporting a strong ideology is similar to a political delinquent and thereby, offenses related to intellectual proselytism should be treated in the same manner as infractions of a political delinquent.

Doctorat en Sciences juridiques / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished