My dissertation examines visual representations of children and childhood in French art from the 1750s until the first decades of the nineteenth century. This period in France is distinct because of the sweeping social and political changes with which images of children and childhood were in dialogue, including the redefinition of bourgeois familial relationships, new medical discoveries that influenced how artists interpreted the human mind and body, the chaos of the French Revolution, and the rise of Napoleon and his codification of the laws of nature. By 1750, Enlightenment thinkers and social reformers viewed the education, nurturing, and protection of innocent children as among the fundamental moral acts that defined humanity. Childhood, once considered insignificant, became a special period of human development that women were naturally suited to cultivate. Amidst the corruption of the Ancien régime, the violence of the French Revolution, and the instability of the state, children were unthreatening emblems of social regeneration and hope. Throughout my dissertation, I explore how the complex written and visual language of nature informed artists’ conceptions of children and childhood during the long eighteenth century. Opposing themes of nature’s wildness, containment, wholesomeness, and mysteriousness in different forms paralleled discourses on children and child-rearing. Prominent eighteenth-century artists like Chardin, Boucher, Fragonard, Greuze, Vigée Lebrun, Marguerite Gérard, and others analyzed contemporary scientific, philosophical, artistic, and pedagogical movements to depict children naturally. Even when Romantic artists like Géricault or Prud’hon imagined nature as a dangerous or mystical entity, the emphasis on the unique truthfulness of a child’s character continued to be a subject of great interest, especially when the scientific community recognized child psychology and pediatrics as their own fields of medical study in the early nineteenth century. Compared to studies that have broadly surveyed the ideologies of childhood as reflected in art, my dissertation investigates the socio-historical contexts in which representations of children were commissioned, produced, and displayed. Why did revolutionary events, artists, and patrons appropriate images of the enlightened child? I propose that representations of children from this period offer indisputable symbolic value: they functioned emblematically to advance the morality of a woman’s reputation, or to philosophically communicate an idea about the state of French society during key moments of social and political upheaval. Through a study of images of pastoral children for Madame de Pompadour, representations of bourgeois children with pets, portrayals of the royal children during the French Revolution, and Romantic depictions of children in portraiture, my dissertation traces the socio-historical implications of the representations of children and childhood to make way for new interpretations of artworks.

François-Denis Tronchet, jurisconsulte, participa, aux premières places, à l'application du droit, mais aussi à son écriture, à un moment de l'histoire de France où les juristes refusèrent d'être les interprètes du passé pour devenir les agents du devenir historique. Il prit part à tous les grands événements de la Révolution : les Etats généraux, le Serment du Jeu de Paume, la nuit du 4-août, l'élaboration de la Constitution de 1791, la fuite du roi arrêtée à Varennes, le procès du roi ; il siégea, sous le Directoire, au Conseil des Anciens ; enfin, il fut le premier président du Tribunal de cassation sous le Consulat, avant de présider la commission chargée de l'élaboration du Code civil. La pensée de cet avocat au Parlement de Paris fut décisive dans le passage de l'ancien droit au nouveau. Elle s'y exprime dans ses consultations, qui constituent la principale source de cette étude. Conservées aujourd'hui à la bibliothèque de la Cour de cassation, elles constituent une source exceptionnelle, rarement exploitée. Pourtant, des documents furent une source d'inspiration méconnue du Code civil. Il s'agit donc d'une configuration tout-à-fait remarquable, où l'historien dispose tout à la fois d'un travail juridique, les consultations, et du résultat qu'elles ont contribué à inspirer, le Code civil, qui régit toujours notre présent. En outre, on trouve, entre la source (les consultations) et sa résultante (le Code), des témoignages précis de l'action politique de Tronchet, notamment dans les archives parlementaires. Comment un juriste aussi érudit, aussi imprégné de tradition que François-Denis Tronchet a-t-il pu participer de façon aussi décisive à la Révolution, devenant, au moment de la rédaction du Code civil, l'artisan d'un droit absolument nouveau ? L'art de la consultation, par la liberté que donne l'interprétation, lui avait donné la capacité d'envelopper son avis personnel, parfois très créatif, des formes apparemment objectives de l'autorité de l'avocat consultant. Il s'était ainsi préparé à la grande réorganisation des normes de 1789. En outre, la participation à des réseaux d'opposition proches du jansénisme ; l'influence, dans les milieux parlementaires, du culte de la république romaine et d'une philosophie stoïcienne, transmise par l'intermédiaire de Cicéron, qui soulignait la centralité politique de la justice et de la loi naturelle ; tous ces facteurs expliquent ses prises de position favorables à la Révolution, mais aussi le rôle qu'il joua dans la défense du roi. Pour conclure, il voyait la Révolution comme une régénération, une transformation du présent par un retour authentique aux principes passés. Tronchet, comme les antiques jurisconsultes, a cherché à fixer la Révolution à des principes déterminés de toute éternité. / François-Denis Tronchet, a Jurisconsult, played a crucial role in the interpretation of Law, but also in its writing, during the French Revolution. During this period of French history, some jurists refused to be only interpreters of the Past, and began to be true actors of History. François-Denis Tronchet took part in nearly all important events of the French Revolution : the Estates-General, the Tennis Court Oath, the Fourth of August and the abolition of feudal privileges, the writing of the Constitution of 1791, the flight of Louis XVI stopped at Varennes, the King's trial. He was a Member of Parliament (of the Conseil des Anciens) during the Directoire ; lastly, he was the president of the Tribunal de cassation during the Consulate and he presided the commission in charge of the redaction of the civil code. His thought was decisive in the transformation of French Law during the French Revolution. It is conveyed in its consultations, which are the main historical source of this dissertation. Today stored at the library of the Cour de cassation, they constitute an extraordinarysource, rarely used. However, these documents inspired the French civil code. Here, historians have a hand, at the same time, a lawyer's work, the consultations, and the result they partly inspired, the civil Code, that still inspires our present. Besides, between the source (the consultations) and its result (the Code) we have some documents about the political life of Tronchet (mainly parliamentary records). How is it so, that such a learned jurist, so influenced by ancient juridical traditions, played such a crucial role in the French revolution, becoming, during the redaction process of the Civil code, the architect of an absolutely new Law ? During the Ancien regime, the art of consultation gave him, by way of the intellectual freedom of interpretation, the ability of giving his own opinion, sometimes very creative, under the guise of apparently objective, and authoritative, form of the consultation. Therefore, he was intellectually prepared to the reorganization of Law brought about by the French Revolution. Besides, other factors explain his participation in the French Revolution. His belonging to opposition networks, close to Jansenism, during the Ancien Regime accounts for his itinerary. The influence, in parliamentary circles, of the celebration of the Roman Republic as well as the influence of stoic philosophy, conveyed through Cicero's writingd, which underlined the major importance of justice and natural Law, also partly account for his adhesion to the Revolution. These intellectual influences also explain his defence of Louis XVI during his trial. To conclude, he viewed the Revolution as a process of regeneration, a transformation of time present by a resurrection of the true principles of ancient Law.

This thesis presents an analysis of Edmund Burke's place in intellectual history by examining his commentary on the French Revolution as well as his role in the Enlightenment itself. In doing so, it brings to bear the previously unexplored ideas of the twentieth-century historian Roy Porter. The thesis proposes that Burke's indictment of French philosophy as the cause of the French Revolution created enduring historiographic connotations between radicalism and the notion of enlightenment. Consequently, British thinkers of the eighteenth-century were invariably dismissed as conservative or reactionary and therefore unworthy to be regarded as enlightened figures. Porter's reconsideration of the British Enlightenment reveals Burke to be a staunch defender of hard-won enlightened values which British society had already long enjoyed.<p>The source material is, for the most part, primary. For Edmund Burke, his correspondence and his Reflections on the Revolution in France. For Roy Porter, his most relevant essays, journal articles and monographs.

This thesis presents an analysis of Edmund Burke's place in intellectual history by examining his commentary on the French Revolution as well as his role in the Enlightenment itself. In doing so, it brings to bear the previously unexplored ideas of the twentieth-century historian Roy Porter. The thesis proposes that Burke's indictment of French philosophy as the cause of the French Revolution created enduring historiographic connotations between radicalism and the notion of enlightenment. Consequently, British thinkers of the eighteenth-century were invariably dismissed as conservative or reactionary and therefore unworthy to be regarded as enlightened figures. Porter's reconsideration of the British Enlightenment reveals Burke to be a staunch defender of hard-won enlightened values which British society had already long enjoyed.<p>The source material is, for the most part, primary. For Edmund Burke, his correspondence and his Reflections on the Revolution in France. For Roy Porter, his most relevant essays, journal articles and monographs.

The present study examines a specific form of literary memorialization of Scottishness, stubborn and elusive as that term might be, under the concrete political, social, and economic conditions of the late eighteenth-century. It holds that literary history and criticism can make a significant contribution to understanding Scottish history, both in its own terms and in relation to British history writ large. It inserts into these histories a much wider range of late eighteenth-century Scottish poets than previous scholarship and deepens our understanding of the cultural and discursive manifestations of British state formation under the extreme stress of war and revolution. It also reveals the way the political crisis of the French Revolution converged with pre-existing concerns about the impact of union on the Scottish economy and society, as well as with shared Anglo-Scottish critiques of state power that feature so prominently in the political history of this period. Many of the poets studied here have never figured significantly in political, cultural, or literary histories of the period and, with a few notable exceptions, no analysis of their poetry, whether in political or literary terms, has yet occurred. Consequently, this study brings both historical and literary analysis to bear on a large and diverse group of Scottish poets with a range of political and aesthetic perspectives that reflect not only on the question of Scottish, English, and British "identities," but on the formation of British poetry more generally. / text

Louis-Antoine Léon de Saint-Just (1767-1794) was a revolutionary, a statesman, and a political philosopher, yet it is largely only as a revolutionary that he is remembered. As a political person who occupied these three different but overlapping roles, Saint-Just is ideal as the subject and center of a study of actualization, the taking of political ideals into reality. Saint-Just’s political philosophy was that of an idealist, and yet he, by force of circumstance, ability, and audacity, had the opportunity in his short life to attempt to establish and put into practice his political ideals. In his work as a political person Saint-Just created templates for the understanding of the relationship between political theory and political action. Saint-Just’s political theory is examined in relation to his political action, using the concepts of ‘the natural’, ‘the civil’, ‘the social’ and ‘the political’, concepts which are central in Saint-Just’s political philosophy. Saint-Just’s formulations of these concepts, concepts which have also been central to the history of political philosophy, and his understanding of the relations between these concepts, helps to establish him as a political philosopher of some importance, as does the theory and practice approach to politics which his attempts demanded and which his political life demonstrated. In Saint-Just’s function as political philosopher the thesis finds the theoretical element of politics, which becomes redefined in its interaction with Saint-Just’s other functions as statesman and revolutionary, the latter two of which correspond roughly to practice and exigency. As a theorist who is also a statesman in a context of exigency, or revolution, Saint-Just’s political life is a constantly rearranged juxtaposition of theory, practice, and revolution, albeit one which never loses it essential ties to its philosophical base, even in the hours of greatest emergency. Such dedication to a philosophical base, one which refuses to dispense with political philosophy, demonstrates a new conception of political philosophy for the modern world, fills in elements of a theory of revolution as a phenomenon of both theory and action, and provides a contained case for examination of political philosophy and political action, questioning their disunity.

À partir des années 1750, l’électricité médicale connait en France et en Europe une vogue tant parmi le monde savant que dans un plus large public. À l’heure de la curiosité et des spectacles de science, la première application du fluide à la mode est thérapeutique et vise à soigner la paralysie. En France, ce n’est pas avant les années 1770 que des médecins s’intéressent à la nouvelle méthode de guérir. Le rôle joué par la nouvelle Société royale de médecine et Pierre Mauduyt de la Varenne est déterminant dans la transformation de l’électricité en un objet médical à proprement parler. Ce processus s’est accompagné de l’exclusion progressive des amateurs et des philosophes naturels du champ de la pratique légitime. Les enjeux de l’incorporation du nouveau médicament à la médecine ne sont pas seulement institutionnels et professionnels. Ils mettent en jeu les représentations culturelles autour desquelles s’articulent les savoirs scientifiques et médicaux, mais aussi les pratiques des malades qui l’utilisent comme un moyen dans le parcours qu’ils construisent en vue de guérir. L’électricité médicale est marquée par un net déclassement social à partir du milieu des années 1780. Elle doit alors permettre de régénérer la Nation et de la remettre au travail. En concentrant notre attention sur un remède particulier, nous soulignons l’articulation entre des domaines trop souvent cloisonnés : histoire des idées médicales, histoire sociale des acteurs, histoire culturelle des représentations et des pratiques, en intégrant pleinement l’histoire de la médecine à l’histoire des Lumières. / From the 1750s, Electricity was the object of widespread scientific and popular curiosity across Europe. Its first use was therapeutic and electric sparks have immediately been applied to paralytics. In France, medically-trained physicians did not become interested on the new treatment until the 1770s. The role of the newborn Société royale de médecine and of Pierre Mauduyt de la Varenne was pre-eminent in fashioning electricity as a properly medical tool, thus excluding natural philosophers and amateurs from its legitimate practice. Not only does this process have institutional and professional dimensions but it also deals with cultural representations in the scientific and medical fields of knowledge and with the behaviour and practices of both the patients and practitioners. We underline the authority of the patients in ther organisation of their own treatment and their being active in the medicalisation process. During the 1780s, there is a sharp social shift in the use of medical electricity, which is thereafter targeted towards the urban poor, in order to regenerate the Nation and put them back to work. Focusing on a single therapeutical means allows us to cross traditional boundaries between the history of medical ideas, social history of the patients and practitioners and cultural history of representations thus integrating the history of medicine to the wider field of Enlightenment history.

No final do século XVIII, o poderio econômico da França repousava essencialmente sobre o comércio que o país realizava com as suas colônias. Graças, principalmente, ao açúcar e ao café de São Domingos, a \"pérola das Antilhas\", o comércio colonial francês atingia o seu auge no mesmo momento em que o país rumava para um processo violento de transformação de suas instituições. Ao mesmo tempo, havia, na metrópole, questionamentos a respeito da gestão de colônias cada vez mais povoadas de escravos, arrancados de seus lares para exercer o cultivo nas plantations. Nesse contexto, em 1788, formou-se a primeira organização antiescravista francesa, a Sociedade dos Amigos dos Negros. Sob a liderança de alguns dos principais personagens do período revolucionário, como Brissot, Clavière, Mirabeau, La Fayette e Condorcet, essa sociedade de nobres, homens de letras e financistas procurou introduzir a questão do tráfico negreiro na ordem do dia dos debates políticos que marcaram a Revolução francesa. Procuramos, no presente trabalho, retraçar a atividade desses homens, cuja moderação contrasta com o rumo que a questão colonial tomou, a partir da grande insurreição dos escravos em São Domingos, de agosto de 1791. Acreditamos que o estudo dos limites do discurso antiescravista do final do século XVIII e da política colonial das assembleias revolucionárias traz consigo ensinamentos sobre os limites da própria Revolução francesa. / At the end of the 18th century, France\'s economic power relied foremost on trade with its colonies. Thanks to the sugar and coffee produced in Saint-Domingue, the \"pearl of the Antilles\", French colonial commerce reached its peak at the very moment the country was moving toward a violent process of radical institutional transformation. At the same time, it was a moment of interrogations about the administration of colonies whose slave population was in continuous increase. In this context, in 1788, the first French antislavery organization was created, the Society of the Friends of the Blacks. Under the leadership of some of the key-characters of the revolutionary period, like 7 Brissot, Clavière, Mirabeau, La Fayette and Condorcet, this society of nobles, intellectuals and financiers endeavored to bring the issue of slave trade to the political debate that marked the French Revolution. We intend, with this study, to retrace the activities of those men, whose moderation of principles was in contrast with the turn of events that marked the colonial space, with the slave insurrection of August 1791, in Saint-Domingue. We hope that, by approaching the limits of the antislavery program of the late-18th century and of the colonial policies of the revolutionary assemblies, this study might offer teachings on the limits of the Revolution itself.

Submitted by Kelli Mesquita Luciano null (kelliml_unesp@yahoo.com.br) on 2017-07-11T22:27:54Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Referências históricas e o realismo mágico- as confluências em Il barone rampante, de Italo Calvino e em El Siglo de las Luces, de Alejo Carpentier.pdf: 1649380 bytes, checksum: 3bf247e77cf811891e04e196821a012c (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Monique Sasaki (sayumi_sasaki@hotmail.com) on 2017-07-14T16:49:32Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 luciano_km_dr_arafcl.pdf: 1649380 bytes, checksum: 3bf247e77cf811891e04e196821a012c (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-07-14T16:49:32Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 luciano_km_dr_arafcl.pdf: 1649380 bytes, checksum: 3bf247e77cf811891e04e196821a012c (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-05-26 / Esta tese objetiva a comparação dos romances Il barone rampante (1957), de Italo Calvino e El Siglo de las Luces (1962), de Alejo Carpentier, pois ambos apresentam confluências no que diz respeito a existência de referencias históricas, uma vez que os enredos transcorrem no século XVIII, em meio a Revolução Francesa e aos ideais iluministas. Além disso, as duas narrativas apresentam indicações de figuras da história oficial assim como a indicação de Instituições históricas. É fundamental destacar que nos dois romances, há acontecimentos insólitos que se referem ao realismo mágico, em Il barone rampante, o protagonista Cosimo vive um estilo de vida incomum sobre as árvores, onde estuda, tem atitudes altruístas e acredita nos ideias revolucionários, enquanto em El Siglo de las Luces, o protagonista é Víctor Hugues que foi inspirado em uma figura da história oficial, um francês que foi comerciante e responsável por disseminar a ideologia revolucionária na região das Antilhas. Sua chegada a Havana, movimenta ativamente a vida dos primos Esteban, Carlos e Sofía, que passam a nutrir interesses pela Revolução, fazem diversos estudos e leituras de autores filosóficos e são moldados pelo pensamento racionalista. No romance carpentiano, Esteban é curado da asma graças a rituais curandeiros fator que pode ser associado ao realismo maravilhoso. Em outros momentos, buscamos evidenciar alguns aspectos fabulistas em Il barone rampante e do barroquismo latino americano em El Siglo de las Luces. No final da tese, apontamos certas características que aproximam ainda mais Il barone rampante de El Siglo de las Luces, visto que são abordadas temáticas em comum nos dois romances, como, por exemplo, a busca pelo conhecimento, a solidão, a frustração, os avanços tecnológicos e a esperança em um mundo melhor por meio do incentivo à educação, ao conhecimento e através de movimentos revolucionários. Em outras palavras, há o tratamento de temas importantíssimos como esses, por meio de uma revisitação ao passado, no caso, à Revolução Francesa serve para levar o leitor à reflexão sobre os contextos que os autores viveram no século XX, a exemplo do fascismo e dos movimentos de resistência na Itália; da ditadura em Cuba bem como o triunfo da Revolução Cubana, ou seja, movimentos de resistência que necessitaram da união coletiva para que houvesse de fato mudanças benéficas para população, condição fundamental que permeia o modo de agir dos personagens das obras analisadas. Esses movimentos até os dias atuais são imprescindíveis para que haja transformações concretas na sociedade em torno da igualdade, do respeito e da aplicação dos direitos humanos para todos. / This thesis aims at the comparison of the novels Il barone rampante (1957), by Italo Calvino and El Siglo de las Luces (1962), by Alejo Carpentier, since both have confluences regarding the existence of historical references, since the entanglements both of which take place in the eighteenth century, amidst the French Revolution and the Enlightenment ideals. In addition, the two narratives present indications of figures of the official history as well as the indication of Historical Institutions. It is important to note that in the two novels, there are unusual events that refer to magical realism, in Il barone rampante, the protagonist Cosimo lives an unusual lifestyle on the trees, where he studies, has altruistic attitudes and believes in revolutionary ideas, while in El Siglo de las Luces, the protagonist is Víctor Hugues who was inspired by an official history figure, a french who was a merchant and responsible for spreading the revolutionary ideology in the Antilles region. His arrival in Havana actively moves the lives of the cousins Esteban, Carlos and Sofía, who begin to nurture interests for the Revolution, do various studies and readings of philosophical authors and are shaped by rationalist thinking. In the Carpentian novel, Esteban is cured of asthma thanks to ritual healers, factor that can be associated with magical realism. At other times, we tried to evidence some fabulous aspects in Il barone rampante and the Latin American baroque in El Siglo de las Luces. At the end of the thesis, we point out certain characteristics that approach even more the Il barone rampante to El Siglo de las Luces, since themes are discussed in common in both novels, such as the search for knowledge, loneliness, frustration, technological advances and hope for a better world by encouraging education, knowledge and revolutionary movements. In other words, there is the treatment of such important subjects as a revision of the past, in this case the French Revolution, serves to lead the reader to reflect on the contexts that the authors lived in the twentieth century, such as fascism and Resistance movements in Italy; of the dictatorship in Cuba, as well as the triumph of the Cuban Revolution, that is, resistance movements that necessitated a collective union so that there was indeed beneficial changes for the population, a fundamental condition that permeates the behavior of the characters in the analyzed literary works. These movements until nowadays are essentials for concrete transformations in society around equality, respect and the application of human rights for all.

Trata-se, nesta tese, de analisar o conceito de república de Condorcet. Para mostrar como este conceito é construído, procuramos identificar, em primeiro lugar, a questão da origem das primeiras repúblicas no Esboço de um quadro histórico dos progressos do espírito humano para entendermos como o filósofo examinou o conceito de república na perspectiva do progresso e da perfectibilidade dos homens. Para construir o conceito, o filósofo analisou as questões relativas à liberdade e à igualdade, no que diz respeito aos direitos naturais, civis e políticos dos homens. Discutiremos sobre o equilíbrio entre a liberdade e a igualdade e sua importância para a construção da república em Condorcet. Abordaremos a importância das Declarações dos direitos do homem e do cidadão na constituição da república, visto que muitos revolucionários, dentre eles o próprio Condorcet, afirmavam que uma constituição de uma nação só seria racional, legítima e aceitável se seguisse os princípios da Declaração dos direitos do homem e do cidadão, anteriormente aprovada. E, por fim analisamos o papel dos legisladores na república moderna, visto que essas repúblicas seriam eminentemente representativas. O conceito de república em Condorcet é assim traçado nas tramas da sua ação política. / In this thesis, we aim to analyze the concept of republic in Condorcet. In order to show how theorists built this concept, we sought to identify, first, the question of the origin of the first republics at Sketch for a Historical Picture of the Progress of the Human Spirit to understand how the philosopher examined the concept of republic in view of progress and human perfectibility. In order to build the concept, the philosopher examined the issues relating to liberty and equality, concerning to the natural, civil and political rights of men. We will discuss the balance between liberty and equality, and its importance for the construction of the republic in Condorcet. We will also discuss the importance of the Declarations of the rights of man and citizen for the constitution of the republic, as many revolutionaries, including Condorcet himself, argued that a constitution of a nation would only be rational, legitimate and acceptable if it follows the principles of the Declaration of the rights of man and citizen, previously approved. Finally, we analyze the role of legislators at modern republic, since these republics would be eminently representatives. The concept of republic in Condorcet is thus traced in the plots of their political action.