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The Green Movement of 2009 was a moment where the Iranians took to the streets and protested for democracy. This is nothing new, throughout the whole 20th century gave Iranian people many different options of their country. This thesis examines those moments and differentiates the Green Movement as an event that is unique in that it has not yet led to top-down reforms. Previous literature has yet to incorporate the Green Movement in contemporary analysis of Iranian history.

In the Middle East region, Iran and Turkey are influential powers, and both countries have relatively stable regimes in the Middle East countries. The two countries have chosen different paths after their political transformation. After reviewing the political practice of the two countries, due to different political environments, the two armies and religions have played prominent but different roles. After the Islamic revolution in Iran, the army was the protector of the regime, while religion played a leading role. After Kemal Ataturk established power, Turkey took a completely secularized road. The Turkish army was the defender of the secularized path independent of the government in the Turkish regime, while Islamic religion tried to exert influence as a political party. In addition, the article discusses whether it is based on complete secularization or is derived from Islamic religious tradition, which is a feasible way to modernize Islamic countries. At present, since Islam still has considerable influence, only by adapting Islam to the needs of modern society and making modernization the internal needs of Islam can Islamic countries be successfully modernized.

A Revolução Islâmica pode ser entendida como um marco histórico, tendo em vista seu aspecto religioso e a mudança de paradigmas que trouxe para o estudo das Ciências. Seja no aspecto político, econômico ou social, a implantação da República Islâmica do Irã provocou uma mudança nas relações internas e também externas refletidas no sistema internacional. Esse estudo procura desenvolver um aspecto da Revolução Iraniana que muitas vezes não é tratado pelos especialistas, qual seja, a real viabilidade de a revolução expandir-se para outros países muçulmanos. Muitas vezes essa possibilidade é apresentada como uma meta política norteadora do governo iraniano, no entanto, sem que sejam analisadas as reais possibilidades para que se concretize. Nesse sentido, o objeto principal desse trabalho é apresentar a gradual ampliação da importância que os ulemás alcançaram na vida política iraniana a partir do final do século XIX e que desencadeou a Revolução (1978-79). Para que esse processo se tornasse viável, além das condições políticas propícias, foi necessário que os ulemás se apropriassem ainda mais da linguagem religiosa e a transformasse em instrumento político para mudar o status da população xiita, ou seja, de resignada para ativa. Ainda, além da alteração nessa postura dos ulemás frente à dominação do xá, houve a necessidade de que uma liderança desencadeasse o processo contestatório que levaria ao final da monarquia. Para tanto, a liderança do aiatolá Khomeini foi imprescindível e, ainda mais, o desenvolvimento da teoria do wilayat al-faqih, que nortearia a estrutura política do governo no pós-revolução. Contudo, mesmo diante de um panorama político que convergiu para a ocorrência da Revolução, esse estudo defende a tese de que a doutrina usulita abriu a possibilidade para a ijtihad e essa liberalidade foi muito bem utilizada pelo aiatolá Khomeini ao criar discursos políticos impregnados de elementos religiosos. Como resultado de seus discursos em Najaf (1970), surgiu o wilayat al-faqih. No entanto, o mesmo pragmatismo que possibilitou o entendimento particularizado da situação política iraniana e desencadeou a Revolução, hoje se apresenta como um impeditivo para sua expansão, tendo em vista que o atual Líder Supremo iraniano não goza do mesmo prestígio que o carismático Khomeini, tampouco os aiatolás iranianos têm interesse em delegar completamente suas prerrogativas religiosas a ele. Assim, quando essa pesquisa buscou entrevistar os atuais aiatolás que fazem parte do bloco governamental, intencionava mostrar que o wilayat al-faqih continua sendo o estabilizador da revolução, mas não tem condições para se tornar um modelo que agregaria outros estados, uma vez que, além do nacionalismo enraizado nos demais grupos xiitas do Oriente Médio, a ausência de uma liderança carismática faz com que o pragmatismo dos aiatolás impere. Com isso, mesmo que a intenção de Khomeini fosse utilizar o wilayat al-faqih para expandir a revolução, com sua morte houve o sepultamento dessa via. / The Islamic Revolution can be understood as a historical landmark in view of its religious aspect and the paradigm shift it brought to the study of Sciences. Be it on the political, economic, or social aspects, the implantation of the Islamic Republic of Iran triggered a turn in both internal and external relations reflected in the international system. This study aims to develop an aspect of the Iranian Revolution which is often not treated by specialists, that is, the actual viability of the revolution to expand itself to other Muslim countries. Frequently this possibility is presented as a guiding political goal for the Iranian government, however, without being analyzed the real possibilities for it to be realized. In this sense, the main object of this work is to present the gradual enlargement of importance that the ulama achieved in the Iranian political life starting from the end of the nineteenth century and which set off the Revolution (1978-79). For this process to become viable, in addition to the propitious political conditions, it was necessary for the ulama to appropriate even further the religious language and change it into political instrument to transform the status of the Shia population, namely from resigned to active. Yet, besides the alteration of the ulamas posture in face of the Shahs domination, there was a need for a leadership to trigger the contestatory process which would lead to the end of the monarchy. To this end, the leadership of Ayatollah Khomeini was indispensable and, even more, the development of the wilayat al-faqih theory, which would guide the political structure of the government at the post-revolution period. However, even though confronted with a political overview that converged to the occurrence of the Revolution, this study defends the thesis that the Usulis doctrine opened the possibility for the ijtihad, and this liberality was very well used by Ayatollah Khomeini by creating political discourses impregnated with religious elements. As a result of his discourses in Najaf (1970) the wilayat al-faqih came to existence. Nonetheless, the very same pragmatism that allowed the particularized understanding of the Iranian political situation and which triggered the Revolution presents itself today as a hindrance for its expansion, taking into account that the current Iranian Supreme Leader does not enjoy the same prestige such as the charismatic Khomeini, neither do the Iranian Ayatollahs have interest in delegating completely their religious prerogatives to him. Hence, when this research sought to interview the current Ayatollahs that are part of the governmental bloc, it purposed to show that the wilayat al-faqih is still the revolutions stabilizer, but has no condition to become a model which could aggregate other states, since that, beyond the nationalism rooted in the other Shia groups in the Middle East, the absence of a charismatic leadership causes the Ayatollahs pragmatism to prevail. With this, even if Khomeinis intention was to use the wilayat al-faqih to expand the revolution, with his death followed the burial of this idea.

A Revolução Islâmica pode ser entendida como um marco histórico, tendo em vista seu aspecto religioso e a mudança de paradigmas que trouxe para o estudo das Ciências. Seja no aspecto político, econômico ou social, a implantação da República Islâmica do Irã provocou uma mudança nas relações internas e também externas refletidas no sistema internacional. Esse estudo procura desenvolver um aspecto da Revolução Iraniana que muitas vezes não é tratado pelos especialistas, qual seja, a real viabilidade de a revolução expandir-se para outros países muçulmanos. Muitas vezes essa possibilidade é apresentada como uma meta política norteadora do governo iraniano, no entanto, sem que sejam analisadas as reais possibilidades para que se concretize. Nesse sentido, o objeto principal desse trabalho é apresentar a gradual ampliação da importância que os ulemás alcançaram na vida política iraniana a partir do final do século XIX e que desencadeou a Revolução (1978-79). Para que esse processo se tornasse viável, além das condições políticas propícias, foi necessário que os ulemás se apropriassem ainda mais da linguagem religiosa e a transformasse em instrumento político para mudar o status da população xiita, ou seja, de resignada para ativa. Ainda, além da alteração nessa postura dos ulemás frente à dominação do xá, houve a necessidade de que uma liderança desencadeasse o processo contestatório que levaria ao final da monarquia. Para tanto, a liderança do aiatolá Khomeini foi imprescindível e, ainda mais, o desenvolvimento da teoria do wilayat al-faqih, que nortearia a estrutura política do governo no pós-revolução. Contudo, mesmo diante de um panorama político que convergiu para a ocorrência da Revolução, esse estudo defende a tese de que a doutrina usulita abriu a possibilidade para a ijtihad e essa liberalidade foi muito bem utilizada pelo aiatolá Khomeini ao criar discursos políticos impregnados de elementos religiosos. Como resultado de seus discursos em Najaf (1970), surgiu o wilayat al-faqih. No entanto, o mesmo pragmatismo que possibilitou o entendimento particularizado da situação política iraniana e desencadeou a Revolução, hoje se apresenta como um impeditivo para sua expansão, tendo em vista que o atual Líder Supremo iraniano não goza do mesmo prestígio que o carismático Khomeini, tampouco os aiatolás iranianos têm interesse em delegar completamente suas prerrogativas religiosas a ele. Assim, quando essa pesquisa buscou entrevistar os atuais aiatolás que fazem parte do bloco governamental, intencionava mostrar que o wilayat al-faqih continua sendo o estabilizador da revolução, mas não tem condições para se tornar um modelo que agregaria outros estados, uma vez que, além do nacionalismo enraizado nos demais grupos xiitas do Oriente Médio, a ausência de uma liderança carismática faz com que o pragmatismo dos aiatolás impere. Com isso, mesmo que a intenção de Khomeini fosse utilizar o wilayat al-faqih para expandir a revolução, com sua morte houve o sepultamento dessa via. / The Islamic Revolution can be understood as a historical landmark in view of its religious aspect and the paradigm shift it brought to the study of Sciences. Be it on the political, economic, or social aspects, the implantation of the Islamic Republic of Iran triggered a turn in both internal and external relations reflected in the international system. This study aims to develop an aspect of the Iranian Revolution which is often not treated by specialists, that is, the actual viability of the revolution to expand itself to other Muslim countries. Frequently this possibility is presented as a guiding political goal for the Iranian government, however, without being analyzed the real possibilities for it to be realized. In this sense, the main object of this work is to present the gradual enlargement of importance that the ulama achieved in the Iranian political life starting from the end of the nineteenth century and which set off the Revolution (1978-79). For this process to become viable, in addition to the propitious political conditions, it was necessary for the ulama to appropriate even further the religious language and change it into political instrument to transform the status of the Shia population, namely from resigned to active. Yet, besides the alteration of the ulamas posture in face of the Shahs domination, there was a need for a leadership to trigger the contestatory process which would lead to the end of the monarchy. To this end, the leadership of Ayatollah Khomeini was indispensable and, even more, the development of the wilayat al-faqih theory, which would guide the political structure of the government at the post-revolution period. However, even though confronted with a political overview that converged to the occurrence of the Revolution, this study defends the thesis that the Usulis doctrine opened the possibility for the ijtihad, and this liberality was very well used by Ayatollah Khomeini by creating political discourses impregnated with religious elements. As a result of his discourses in Najaf (1970) the wilayat al-faqih came to existence. Nonetheless, the very same pragmatism that allowed the particularized understanding of the Iranian political situation and which triggered the Revolution presents itself today as a hindrance for its expansion, taking into account that the current Iranian Supreme Leader does not enjoy the same prestige such as the charismatic Khomeini, neither do the Iranian Ayatollahs have interest in delegating completely their religious prerogatives to him. Hence, when this research sought to interview the current Ayatollahs that are part of the governmental bloc, it purposed to show that the wilayat al-faqih is still the revolutions stabilizer, but has no condition to become a model which could aggregate other states, since that, beyond the nationalism rooted in the other Shia groups in the Middle East, the absence of a charismatic leadership causes the Ayatollahs pragmatism to prevail. With this, even if Khomeinis intention was to use the wilayat al-faqih to expand the revolution, with his death followed the burial of this idea.

This study analyses income inequality and poverty in the rural and urban sectors in Iran during the post Islamic revolution period, 1983-1993. It has been based on household level data relating to the Household Income and Expenditure Surveys conducted by the Statistical Centre of Iran for 1983, 1988 and 1993. The study starts with a brief review of the main features of the Iranian economy. This is followed by a brief discussion of the data. An analysis of temporal changes in income distribution and welfare, the contributions of factor income components on per capita income inequality, a detailed analysis of absolute poverty, earnings behaviour of full time urban male workers. The final chapter summarises and brings together the main conclusions. By and large, the finding of this study are quite rich and provide a very clean picture in the levels of income inequality, welfare and absolute poverty. Most of the changes in income inequality and poverty observed in this study seem to be, to some extent, the reflections, if not the outcomes, of government policies, strategies and war related activities and shortages etc. Based on the Iranian experience, we can say that political stability, accompanied by consistent and sustainable macroeconomic policies can ensure a reduction in income inequality and absolute poverty in a developing country. / Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)

En comparaison avec les autres genres littéraires, la nouvelle peut être considérée comme un phénomène littéraire totalement nouveau. Même s’il n’est passé sur son apparition en Occident qu’environ deux siècles, les critiques ont nommé l’ère moderne comme « l’ère du roman et de la nouvelle ». Ces critiques affirment que la poésie et la prose ont été influencées par la littérature romanesque et par ses auteurs, d’où la nécessité d’étudier cette dernière afin de découvrir une période littéraire précise. Et de fait, l’importance de la nouvelle, sur le plan littéraire, est le résultat des changements sociopolitiques des sociétés. La Nouvelle est le porte-parole de ces changements dans la mesure où elle décrit et raconte les événements qui marquent la société. C’est ainsi que ce genre littéraire a eu un bon accueil chez les créateurs comme chez les lecteurs. En Iran, la Révolution a été l’évènement politique et social le plus important du XXe siècle, car elle a provoqué des changements et des transformations radicales dans la société à plus d’un titre. Ces changements sont remarquables dans les domaines culturels et littéraires, d’autant plus qu’ils ont permis à la littérature romanesque, par exemple, d’acquérir de nouvelles dimensions de forme et de thèmes. La présente thèse se propose de dessiner, dans une perspective diachronique, les contours de la nouvelle depuis la période de la Révolution constitutionnelle jusqu’à la Révolution Islamique. Pour répondre à cet objectif, nous avons étudié les événements historiques, sociaux et politiques qui ont entouré la nouvelle depuis sa naissance jusqu’à son établissement comme genre indépendant. / In comparison with other literary genres, the short-story may be considered as an utterly new literary phenomenon. Even though it first appeared in the western literature about two centuries ago, critics viewed the modern era as “the era of the novel and the short-story”. Those critics assert that poetry and prose were influenced by the novelistic literature and its authors, hence the need to study that genre in order to find an accurate literary period. And indeed, on the literary plane, the importance of the short-story is the outcome of social and political changes that occurred in societies. The short-story is the mouthpiece of those changes insofar as it depicts and relates the events which put their stamps on society. This is how that literary genre was warmly welcomed by creators as well as by readers. In Iran, the Revolution was the most outstanding political and social event of the twentieth century, for it instigated radical changes and transformations in society to more than one way. Those may be observed in the cultural and literary spheres, all the more so since, as an example, they let novelistic literature gain new dimensions of forms and themes. This thesis aims at highlighting, in a diachronic perspective, the contours of the short-story from the period of the constitutional Revolution to the Islamic Revolution. To meet this objective, we studied the historical, social and political issues around the short-story from its birth to its founding as an independent genre.

Ce travail de recherche doctorale interroge les enjeux et les stratégies culturelles, économiques, politiques, et sociales liées au patrimoine pour la ville d'Ispahan. Il est centré sur la mise en place des grands plans iraniens et des initiatives récentes en faveur du secteur du patrimoine culturel et du tourisme, notamment après la révolution islamique d'Iran en 1979. A une époque où la croissance incontrôlée urbaine a engendré une détérioration progressive du tissu historique des villes iraniennes et la perte de leur identité urbaine, Ispahan, la capitale islamique brillante et safavide, prend une importance particulière après révolution islamique dans le pays. Dans une première étape, par une approche théorique et historique de la notion de patrimoine, nous mettons en évidence les spécificités du concept dans le monde islamique et iranien, et nous évoquons des visions différentes (occidentales-orientales). Egalement, nous abordons les défis principaux face au patrimoine iranien et d'Ispahan. Par la suite, nous analysons les grandes stratégies et des initiatives récentes en faveur du secteur du patrimoine culturel et du tourisme d'Ispahan, après la révolution islamique et notamment par le plan Outlook iranien. Il s'agit de quatre programmes quinquennaux planifiés pour la perspective de développement du pays à l'horizon 2005-2025, en tant que puissance régionale. Enfin, nous abordons les projets de mise en valeur, achevés, ou en cours de réalisation dans la ville d'Ispahan, tous en faveur de son secteur du patrimoine culturel et du tourisme. Nous discutons également des projets impactant (négativement) les biens historiques et inscrits au patrimoine mondial. Les sources utilisées (documents d'archives et originaux), sont des dispositifs de protection des patrimoines d'Ispahan, en particulier de la RROI (Organisation de Rénovation et de Restauration d'Ispahan) et de l'ICHHTO d'Ispahan (Organisation de Patrimoine Culturel, d'Artisanat et du tourisme), ainsi que des entretiens, des enquêtes, des conférences, des ouvrages, et des photos personnelles (récoltées lors de notre étude de terrain à Ispahan, du 1er Juin 2012 au 1er septembre 2012). Afin de bien éclairer les concepts et les plans abordés dans cette recherche, nous confrontons ces cas spécifiques iraniens à d'autres exemples par une étude comparative, dans toutes les parties de la thèse. / This doctoral research is an interrogation of the cultural, economic, political, and social issues and strategies relating to heritage for the city of Isfahan. It focuses on the implementation of major Iranian plans and recent initiatives in favor of the cultural heritage and tourism sector, particularly since the Islamic revolution of 1979. At a time when uncontrolled urban growth has led to the progressive deterioration of the historical texture of Iranian cities and the loss of their urban identity, the importance of Isfahan, the renowned Islamic capital of Safavid, has increased. This phenomenon has been notable since the Islamic revolution in the country. The first step will be a theoretical and historical approach to the notion of heritage and the specificity of these concepts in the Islamic world and particularly Iran. This initial focus will then be broadened to include a discussion of different views (occidental - oriental). Furthermore, the major challenges facing the Iranian and Isfahan heritage will also be reviewed. Subsequently, there will be an analysis of the major strategies and recent initiatives implemented in favor of the cultural heritage and tourism sector of Isfahan, since the Islamic revolution in Iran and notably due to the Iranian Outlook plan. This refers to a plan for four five-year programs concerning the development perspectives for the country for the period 2005-2025, which aim to reinforce the country's position as a regional power. A final point will discuss current, future and completed architectural projects in the city of Isfahan, in favor of its cultural heritage and tourism sector as well as the projects affecting (negatively) the world-renowned historical significance of this city. The sources used for this study (original and archival documents) are from the heritage protection institutions of Isfahan, in particular, the RROI organization (Renovation and Restoration Organization of Isfahan) and ICHHTO of Isfahan (Cultural Heritage, Handicrafts and Tourism Organization), also the interviews, surveys, conferences, books, and personal photographs (collected during a field study in Isfahan, from 1st of June 2012 to 1st of September 2012). In order to adequately illustrate the concepts and the plans discussed in this thesis, and where relevant, specific Iranian cases will be systematically confronted with alternative examples through a comparative approach.

L'histoire contemporaine de l'Iran est marquée par deux révolutions qui ont bouleversé les relations entre l’Etat, la religion et la société. L’objectif de cette recherche est d’analyser l’évolution de ces rapports sous l’impact de la Révolution constitutionnelle de 1906/1907 et de la Révolution islamique de 1979, en soulignant que tous ces changements ont été influencés ou ont influencé l’économie de l’Iran. La Révolution constitutionnelle de 1906/1907 a été l’aboutissement des évolutions qui étaient à l’origine des conflits entre les modernistes et les forces attachées à l’ordre ancien. Elle a fait basculer le rapport de force en faveur des courants et des acteurs œuvrant pour l’entrée de l’Iran dans la modernité. Entre la Révolution constitutionnelle et la Révolution islamique, les forces ont subi des modifications importantes qui ont, tour à tour, favorisé les trois pôles du pouvoir : la monarchie et sa cour, le clergé et les élites modernistes. La montée au pouvoir de Reza shah a rompu l’équilibre fondé sur la Constitution en faveur de la monarchie au détriment du pôle religieux en s’appuyant sur les élites modernistes. L’invasion de l’Iran par les alliés et l’exil forcé de Reza Shah ont contribué à la montée des sentiments nationalistes hostiles à l’Occident. La nationalisation des ressources pétrolières par le gouvernement Mossadegh fait suite à cette évolution portée par une société iranienne acquise à ce nationalisme. Plus tard, la société et la religion se sont rejointes pour contester l’Etat autoritaire et répressif des Pahlavi. Cette dynamique aboutira à la Révolution de 1979 et donnera au pays un nouveau régime politique reflétant les rapports de forces entre les acteurs de cette deuxième révolution que le pays a connue soixante-douze ans après la Révolution constitutionnelle. La Révolution islamique de 1979 a été la principale conséquence du passage d’un « nationalisme autoritaire » incarné par Reza Shah Pahlavi à un « nationalisme libéral » porté par le Dr Mossadegh, puis à un « nationalisme religieux » représenté par l’ayatollah Khomeini. / The exsisting history of Iran is noticeable regarding to two revolutions witch mystified the relation among the State, the religion and the society. The objective of this research is to analyze the evolution oh these reports under the impact of the constitutional Revolution of 1906/1907 and the islamic Revolution of 1979. It shoud be emphasized that all these changes effected the economyof Iran. The constitutional revolution of 1906/1907 was the result of the evolutions witch were at the origin of the conflicts between the modernistic ones and forces attached to the old order.It turnes over the strength in favour as of currents and of the actors working for the entry of Iran into modernity. Between the constitutional Revolution and the islamic Revolution, the forces underwent important modifications witch have, in turn, supported the three poles of the power : monarchy and its court, cleargy and elites modernistic. The Reza Shah’s rise to power broke the balance based on the Constitution in favour of monarchy to the detriment of the religious pole while being based on the modernistic elites. The invasion of Iran by the allies and the forced exile of Reza Shah contributed to the rise of the hostile nationalist feelings in the Occident. Nationalisation of the oil resources by Mossadegh government made this evolution won over this nationalism carried by an Iranian company. Later, the company and the religion met to dispute the authoritative and repressive State of Pahlavi.These dynamics lead to the Revolution of 1979 and give the country a new political regime, reflecting the struggle between the actors of this second revolution the country faced the constitutional Revolution after 72 years. The islamic Revolution of 1979 was the principal consequence of the passage of « authoritative nationalism »incarnated by Reza Shah Pahlavi with a « liberal nationalism » carried by Dr Mossadegh, and with the « religious nationalism » which is represented by Ayatollah khoneini.

This thesis is primarily concerned with the literary aspects of the Islamic Republic of Iran. Its immediate focus rests on the evolution of the Islamic republican poetic trend, encompassing both the disillusioned and conformist voices that rose to prominence in the course of the 1979 Revolution and their on-going engagement with the ruling political power. In this vein, this thesis investigates the various cultural policies of the state, as well as select political transformations of the past three decades, all of which played a pivotal role in this literary evolution. The thesis shows how the official poets that emerged during the 1979 Revolution, and which proved significantly active throughout the immediate history subsequent to that event (war with Iraq, the death of Ayatollah Khomeini and the rise and fall of the reform movement), evolved over time and thereby either received political support for their commitment to the state ideology or became gradually excluded from official cultural institutions. Finally, this thesis reviews the manner in which state strategies have shaped an institutionalised form of poetry that is monitored and reinforced by the Supreme Leader of the Islamic Republic and official cultural authorities. It demonstrates how an innate linking of the project of Islamic republican literature to underlying ideologically defined notions such as 'religious verse', 'legitimate poetry' and 'commitment' was and continues to be an intrinsic part of the literary foundations of the ideological apparatus of the Islamic Republic.