Thesis (M. Phil.)--University of Hong Kong, 1982.

The purpose of this study is fourfold: to show why and how Communism is emerging in China; to explain the special characteristics of the Chinese Communists and their tactics; to indicate the effect of Communism on the people of China; and to attempt an analysis of the attitude the Chinese Communists manifest toward the United States and Russia. Special emphasis will be laid upon the conflict between the Kuomintang (Nationalists) led by Chiang K'aishek and the Communists led by Mao Tze-Tung.

Authoritative period, party-state are integrative relation, the government has enough resources to control the society, political personages do not need to depend on the entrepreneur under the control of party-state. With the gradual transitions of ' the political structure ' and ' economic structure ', the Kuomintang government must transfer to obtain legitimacy of dominion by electing and economic development, the opposition party also can develop under this kind of environment, so government-business relations has changed. In brief, research of this thesis is to study government-business relations of Taiwan whether has the new appearance behind the transition of ruling Parties and under the changes of the Cross-Straits relations. Research of this thesis is to analysis concrete change of government-business relations under the different presidents head the administration' period. Finding in this thesis that the policy government-business relations of Taiwan appear type of ' big government and small enterprise ' in authoritative period (before 1987), and government have high independence to control the society in one party authoritarian, among the government and enterprise build and construct out an ' unequal government-business relations '. After martial law(1987- 2000), government-business relations appear type of' middle government and small enterprise ', enterprises no longer receive government's comprehensive control under the challenge of the opposition, government-business relations is changed into a kind of ' unequal ally's relation '. government-business relations appear type of 'middle government middle enterprise ' after transition of ruling parties(2000- 2004),the politician helps the entrepreneur to try or influence the policy, but the entrepreneur offers campaign financing for politician , therefore t government-business relations is turned into ' the relation of the equality and mutual benefit '. With the promotion of the trading tie between Taiwan and China, ' the Cross-Straits relations 'become the important key influencing government-business relations of Taiwan to change gradually. In the theory meaning, this means capitalist physique of Taiwan, already from the bureaucracy capitalist and leading systems of authoritative times make the transition for the system with leading folk capital gradually, the independence of state apparatus relative to folk capital of is reducing day by day, and the influence power of the folk capital to the decision-making process of state apparatus rises day by day. Meanwhile , the Cross-Straits relations become the enough factor influencing government-business relations inside Taiwan, therefore Chinese Government make state apparatus pass the operation of trading ties of the Cross-Straits gradually to influence government-business relations of Taiwan and decision-making process of the g state apparatus of Taiwan inside Taiwan, even weaken the state apparatus independence of Taiwan, thus state apparatus of Taiwan face the double crisis coming from native folk capital and Chinese state apparatus .

Between 1945 and 1987, as part of its efforts to impose a Chinese identity on native-born Taiwanese and to establish and maintain hegemony, Chiang Kai-shek’s Kuomintang (KMT) government pursued a unilingual, Mandarin-only policy in education. This thesis studies the changing meaning of “becoming Taiwanese” by examining the school experiences of four generations of Taiyu speakers who went to school during the Mandarin-only era: 1) those who also went to school under the Japanese; 2) those who went to school before 1949 when Taiwan was part of KMT-controlled China; 3) those who went to school during the 1950s at the height of the implementation of KMT rule; and, 4) those who went to school when Mandarin had become the dominant language. Two data types, interviews and public documents, are analyzed using two research methods, focus group interviews as the primary one, and document analysis as the secondary one. This research found that there is no direct relationship between how people negotiated language, hegemony and Taiwanese identity. First, as KMT hegemony became more secure, people’s links to their home language became weaker, so their view of Taiwanese identity as defined by Taiyu changed. Second, as exposure to hegemonic forces deepened over time, people were less able to find cultural spaces that allowed escape from hegemonic influences, and this, along with other life-course factors such as occupation, had an impact on their contestations of language and identity. The study recognizes the role of human agency and highlights the interactive and performative aspects of identity construction. The results reflect the different possibilities of living with hegemony in different eras, and also show that Taiwanese identity is not fixed, nor is there a single, “authentic” Taiwanese identity.

Between 1945 and 1987, as part of its efforts to impose a Chinese identity on native-born Taiwanese and to establish and maintain hegemony, Chiang Kai-shek’s Kuomintang (KMT) government pursued a unilingual, Mandarin-only policy in education. This thesis studies the changing meaning of “becoming Taiwanese” by examining the school experiences of four generations of Taiyu speakers who went to school during the Mandarin-only era: 1) those who also went to school under the Japanese; 2) those who went to school before 1949 when Taiwan was part of KMT-controlled China; 3) those who went to school during the 1950s at the height of the implementation of KMT rule; and, 4) those who went to school when Mandarin had become the dominant language. Two data types, interviews and public documents, are analyzed using two research methods, focus group interviews as the primary one, and document analysis as the secondary one. This research found that there is no direct relationship between how people negotiated language, hegemony and Taiwanese identity. First, as KMT hegemony became more secure, people’s links to their home language became weaker, so their view of Taiwanese identity as defined by Taiyu changed. Second, as exposure to hegemonic forces deepened over time, people were less able to find cultural spaces that allowed escape from hegemonic influences, and this, along with other life-course factors such as occupation, had an impact on their contestations of language and identity. The study recognizes the role of human agency and highlights the interactive and performative aspects of identity construction. The results reflect the different possibilities of living with hegemony in different eras, and also show that Taiwanese identity is not fixed, nor is there a single, “authentic” Taiwanese identity.

The single non-transferable vote (SNTV) system was mainly used for Taiwan¡¦s electoral system after several reforms. However, most democratic countries already don¡¦t adopt any more the SNTV system which is not appropriate. In order to combat the abuses in electoral system and implement democracy, the single-member district and two-vote system is definitely needed. By using this system, the voters can elect the capable People¡¦s Representatives and the parliamentary quality and efficiency will be enhanced. Taiwan started to use this single-member district and two-vote system from the 7th Legislative Yuan Election. In this study, we¡¦ll observe how the legislative seats of the Kuomintang (KMT) Party have been changed in Ping-tung County. The electoral reform usually affects the results. Therefore, the KMT Party desired to extend their territory by this reform and used different strategies for the three political districts respectively: non-nomination, negotiation and recruitment. In Ping-tung County, the KMT Party¡¦s territory has been always inferior to Democratic Progressive Party (DPP)¡¦s. In the past, the KMT Party was just one third of the seats of the DPP in the Legislative Yuan Election. Consequently, the KMT Party expected to break through the awkward situation after the 7th Legislative Yuan Election. Nevertheless, the KMT didn¡¦t succeed. Thus it is evident that if the KMT Party longs for victory, they will not only rely on the reform of electoral system, but also need to improve themselves in many perspectives.

「中央訓練團」成立於民國二十八年，直到民國三十六年抗戰勝利後才宣告結束，其除了在重慶浮圖關設置總團部外，新疆、蘭州、武漢等地亦設有分團。而在中央訓練團成立的整整快十年期間，共開辦了三十幾個訓練班及軍官總隊，這其中除了較為人熟知的「台灣行政人員訓練班」，尚有縣政幹部、新聞幹部、音樂幹部、留日學生、人事、衛生、檔案、交通、譯電及史政人員訓練班，此外還有替「三民主義青年團」代訓的「青年幹部訓練班」，社會部主辦的「社會人員訓練班」等等。不過，中央訓練團所創立的訓練班中，最重要的莫過於舉辦過三十一期的「黨政工作人員訓練班」及非常受到外界矚目，被視為仕途終南捷徑、取得“天子門生”資格的「高級黨政人員訓練班」。據統計，整個抗戰時期受過中央訓練團重慶總團部及各地分團訓練的幹部員額，就高達十萬多人。但非常令人感到詫異的是，受訓人數如此地多、又號稱戰時國民黨專門培養其“骨幹核心份子”“中堅幹部”的中央訓練團，至今居然沒有一篇論文及專著作過相關的研究。事實上，不僅「中央訓練團」這類國民黨用來訓練幹部的機構長期為人所忽視，甚至連國民黨─標榜“以黨領政”、“訓政”中國長達二十年之政黨─的「幹部政策」包括幹部來源、培養途徑、銓選考核方式等等主題，都很少有學者作過深入探討。這對整個抗戰史或國民黨黨史的研究，無疑是個重大缺憾。因此，透過「中央訓練團」來探討戰時國民黨如何在「救亡圖存」的危局中訓練幹部，並藉由比較、評估其成效來一窺國民黨的幹部政策，正是撰寫本論文的主要動機及目的所在。

“Contested Childhoods” links together three major areas of historical inquiry: war and criminality, law and social change, and the law as it relates to children, in the first half of twentieth-century China. The founding of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) in 1949 has eclipsed the historical significance of Chiang Kai-shek’s Nationalist Government and the importance of its role during the wartime period. This study examines how the outbreak of China’s War of Resistance against Japan (1937-1945) served as a crucial catalyst to the construction of ideas of criminality and its relation to children during the wartime period. It examines the different measures by which Chiang Kai-shek’s Nationalist Government (1928-1949) attempted to handle the rise in levels of criminality involving juveniles. The study analyses how an increase in criminality during the wartime period challenged how ideas on and about children and childhood were in understood within Chinese society. Moreover, it argues that wartime conditions served as a crucial catalyst prompted the construction of a new judicial and legal framework that was aimed at delineating the boundaries between childhood and adulthood during this period.

本研究擬以博奕理論為主要研究架構,藉由個案研究分析,希望達成以下之目的:(1)探對台北市議會在三黨不過半的議會政治生態下,各政黨之間合縱連橫之運作情形及其影響,並試圖尋求影響三黨互動關係的因素。(2)了解政黨在議會立法過程中所處的地位、所扮演的角色及所發揮的功能。整個研究範圍則限於第七屆議會第一會期內85年度總預算的審查。全文共分六章,茲概述如下: 第一章緒論:說明研究動機與目的、研究範圍與方法以及研究限制。 第二章理論基礎與文獻探討:介紹博奕理論基本概念,並對相關研究文獻予以探討。 第三章現行台北市議會內的政黨政治:首先介紹市議會內的政黨組織,再進一步了解議會立法過程中的政黨運作,最後論及影響政黨互動關係的因素。 第四章及第五章部份:藉由「敬老津貼」及「教師節敬師金」兩項個案的分析,窺 探台北市議會內三黨合縱連橫的過程。 第六章結論:敘述研究發現並提出評議。

本篇論文旨在探討三民主義青年團與中國國民黨衝突的結構性原因，及其在1949年國民黨政權潰敗過程裡所起的作用。除緒論與結論外，共計五章。大要如下: 第一章: 國民黨派系對峙的延續。本章對三青團成立背景與權力結構的分析，將有助於從派系政治面考察黨團關係自始即欠缺穩定的原因。 第二章: 雙軌競進的黨團體制。從新舊意識分明與體制分劃不清的角度出發，發展出具體的歷史敘事，從而導入黨團關係失衡的論證當中。 第三章: 革新聲中的派系權謀政治。以三青團與國民黨的兩次全國代表大會及開展於抗戰前後的革新運動為例，說明三青團與黨內各派系之間的政治操作與利益分配。 第四章: 三青團二全大會的組黨風潮。以1946年團二全大會為例，說明三青團欲將多年來渾沌的黨團關係做一徹底解決的努力，兼及全會閉幕後嶄新的權力格局。 第五章: 黨團統一與黨權鬆落。旨就蔣介石解決黨團摩擦的決心進行歷史分析，並對黨團統一的辦法與其後原黨團雙方仍分軫域的實情多所著墨。 本章將與前述章節產生相互辯證的效果，以便說明黨團關係在國民黨退出中國大陸的過程中所起的作用，和1950年蔣介石在台灣實施黨務改造的歷史背景。