Thesis -- Departmental honors in International Relations. / Spine title: Islamists as instruments of change: a study on democratization. Includes bibliography: ℓ. 105-110.

Basiert auf der Diss. Univ. Brüssel, 2005. / Includes bibliographical references and index.

The study of intractable conflicts has risen in recent years particularly with the work of Daniel Bar-Tal’s work on the ethos of conflict. The ethos of conflict is an original psychological concept that captures the collective societal mindset of cultures locked in intractable conflicts and examines the various factors that keep groups in conflict or help them towards peace. The Israeli-Palestinian conflict is arguably the most researched, publicized, and discussed intractable conflict in history. The purpose of this paper is to first examine the foundation of that intractable conflict through the lens of Bar-Tal’s theory and apply it once more how it has changed in the modern day. Particularly, this paper focuses on how the change in power structure in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict has prioritized the different elements of the ethos of conflict differently for both sides. In the beginning of the conflict, both groups held equitable power that caused them to have similar manifestations of the ethos of conflict. Working with the foundation of Bar-Tal’s theory, this paper provides an analysis of how Israel’s rise to power in the conflict influences different prioritizations of the ethos of conflict for both parties.

Entre les dernières décennies du XXe siècle et les années 1960 naît et se développe en Égypte une importante production littéraire de femmes : des Égyptiennes éduquées en français (comme Out-el-Kouloub et Doria Shafik) choisissent cette langue pour dire les aspirations de la « femme nouvelle », qui quitte alors l'espace privé et confiné du harem pour investir l'espace public et porter haut et fort, malgré les réticences séculaires et les résistances des milieux conservateurs, des revendications sociales (féminisme, nationalisme) et culturelles. Des Françaises comme Jehan d'Ivray ou Valentine de Saint-Point s'installent à cette même période en Égypte, et deviennent les témoins et les actrices de cette Renaissance culturelle. Ces auteures investissent divers genres littéraires comme le roman et la poésie mais aussi l'essai ou l'écrit de recherche universitaire, elles publient dans des périodiques, ou créent des revues pour se dire. Elles mettent ainsi à l'épreuve les catégories opposant genres dits féminins et genres dits masculins. Elles contribuent à élaborer une œuvre interculturelle prenant en compte les traditions génériques françaises et égyptiennes, et proposent un renouvellement de la représentation de la femme et de l'Orient. Les écrits littéraires de femmes rassemblent une production très vaste mais qui demeure pourtant peu connue, peu rééditée et peu lue de nos jours, alors même qu'elle jouissait parfois d'une véritable reconnaissance des lecteurs et des institutions littéraires à l'époque de leur parution. Notre travail a consisté à constituer un corpus, c'est-à-dire à l'identifier, à le rassembler, à le classer avant de l'analyser. Il s'agit d'écrire un chapitre oublié de l'histoire littéraire et de s'interroger sur le statut de la littérature des femmes et de la littérature francophone dans la tradition critique. / An important literary production emerged and developed in Egypt from the end of the 19th century until the 1960's: Egyptian women educated in French culture (like Out-el-Kouloub or Doria Shafik) chose this language to write the ambitions of the “new woman”, who was abandoning the private and confined space of the harem and investing public space to loudly proclaim cultural and social demands (feminism, nationalism), despite secular reluctance and resistance from conservatives. At the same time, French women such as Jehan d'Ivray or Valentine Saint-Point, settled to live in Egypt, and became witnesses and actors of this cultural renaissance. These authors adopted various literary genres such as the novel and poetry but also the essay or academic writing, publishing in periodicals or founding magazines in order to express themselves. They question the contradiction between so-called women's and men's literary genres, while contributing to the creation of intercultural literature which encompasses both French and Egyptian traditions. At the same time, they propose a reassessment of the representations of women and the East. This women's literature forms a large production which nevertheless remains relatively unknown as it is rarely republished or read today, even though it often received considerable attention from both readers and literary institutions at the time of publication. This thesis builds a corpus, identifying, collecting and classifying the works before analyzing them. It aims at writing a forgotten chapter of literary history while examining the status of women's literature and francophone literature in the critical tradition.

In recent years, there has been increasing realisation that resource based conflicts constitute one of the most salient threats to the survival of mankind, namely, water. In particular, the fundamental link between water and security can no longer be ignored given the indispensable role of water in the sustenance of human life as well as crucial sectors of agriculture and industry. Since the flow of water does not respect political boundaries, co-operation in the utilisation of dwindling supplies remains the most sustainable option for the future in an era of ecological interdependence. This thesis endeavours to investigate the impact of water as a security issue on the Middle East peace process. This is done within the theoretical framework that is provided by the schools of complex interdependence and new security studies. With the demise of the cold war, and the emergence of an expanded security agenda, water is an important non-military threat especially in the Middle East region. However, even with an expanded security agenda, the case of the Middle East suggests that it remains difficult to discard the hierarchy of security issues advocated by the Realists. The ongoing debate between the schools of complex interdependence and Realism is instructive in determining whether co-operation over water issues, considered "low" politics, is attainable in the absence of resolving "high" politics concerns of territory and security. Given its profound security implications for the Middle East region, water has been accorded a central role in both the bilateral and multilateral peace negotiations. In the context of water scarcity, and rising demographic patterns, the role of water as a facilitator of regional co-operation remains critical. However, for multilateral co-operation over water resources to become a tangible reality, it is the contention of this thesis that both "low" politics issues of water and "high" polities concerns of territory as well as security must be addressed simultaneously.

O presente trabalho se propõe a descrever e analisar a política externa brasileira para o Oriente Médio no governo do presidente Luís Inácio Lula da Silva (2003-2010). O Brasil – conjuntamente com seus vizinhos sul americanos – buscou retomar e estreitar suas relações com essa região, que, historicamente, sempre apresentou-se como sendo não tradicional na atuação internacional brasileira. Assim, a política externa brasileira para o Oriente Médio é descrita e analisada, sendo identificados brevemente os antecedentes desta política desde o final da década de 1940 até os governos militares e o período de pós-democratização do País. A redescoberta recíproca das duas regiões representa vasto potencial ainda por se realizar no campo das relações bilaterais, tendo tido destaque no período o advento da Cúpula América do Sul-Países Árabes (ASPA). Diante dos novos contornos conduzidos pelo governo Lula do diálogo brasileiro e sul americano com os países do Oriente Médio, o objetivo principal deste trabalho é analisar a evolução dessas relações. Dentre as variáveis a serem investigadas, o trabalho aborda as características da política externa brasileira oriundas do setor externo como fator supletivo ao desenvolvimento nacional. Ademais, o trabalho possui como hipótese principal o fato de que houve uma similaridade de abordagem entre as políticas externas dos governos brasileiros para o Oriente Médio em razão do caráter desenvolvimentista da política exterior brasileira, que passou por ajustes ao longo do governo Lula. Além dos objetivos econômicos buscados anteriormente, novas atribuições foram somadas às relações com a região, sobretudo, de cunho político e social, bem como de cooperação. Houve um incremento das trocas comerciais entre as partes e, no campo político, o Brasil procurou exercer um papel de mediador nos conflitos da região nunca antes perpetrado pelo Brasil. / This paper aims to describe and analyze the Brazilian foreign policy for the Middle East under President Luis Inacio Lula da Silva (2003-2010). Brazil – together with its South American neighbors – sought to resume and strengthen its relations with the region, which, historically, has always presented itself as being not in the traditional Brazilian international relations. Thus, Brazil's foreign policy in the Middle East is discussed, starting briefly with the background to this policy since the late 1940s until the military governments and the post-democratization of Brazil. The mutual rediscovery of the two regions has a vast potential yet to be realized in the field of bilateral relations, emerging as highlight in the period the Summit of South American-Arab Countries (ASPA). Faced with the new contours conducted by the Lula government dialogue with Brazilian and South American countries with the Middle East, the main objective of this paper is to analyze the evolution of these relations. Among the variables to be investigated, the paper addresses the characteristics of Brazilian foreign policy coming from the external sector as a supplementary factor for national development. Moreover, the work has as main hypothesis the fact that there was a similarity of approach between the foreign policies of the Brazilian government to the Middle East because of the developmental character of Brazilian foreign policy, which was adjusted along the Lula government. In addition to economic goals pursued previously, new tasks were added to the relations with the region, mainly, political and social, as well as cooperative. There was an increase of trade among the parties and, in the political field, Brazil has sought to play a mediating role in conflicts in the region never before perpetrated by the country.

This study is concerned with the biography of Atabeg Zangi and the conditions prevailing during his reign; it contains a survey of relevant sources and notes on modern works which render information reflecting the subject. It is in six chapters together with an appendix concerning his titles. The first of the chapters endeavours to portray the background to his life by a biographical survey of his childhood, training and youthful development, the changing circumstances of which finally produced the great and even ruthless Atabeg who ruled Mosul. In the second chapter his service to the Seliuqs in the East and West are discussed. The struggles for power between the Maliks and Zangi's involvement with them is its theme, together with the role played by the 'Abbasid Caliphate. Chapter three deals with Zangi's conflicts with the Latin States in the East. His wars against the Crusaders are discussed here as also are their dealings with the Atabegs of Damascus, followed by Zangi's endeavours to rule that city. An expedition led by the Byzantine Emperor, John II Comnenus, is described in chapter four. In this, his project for the capture of the Muslim towns In Syria is the chief topic as is also Zangi's reaction against the Byzantines. In chapter five, the Turcomans and Zangi's operations against them in Shahrazur, the Artuqids in Hisn Kayfa and Mardin and the Kurds in the north of Mosul are the main theme. The final and sixth chapter which deals with the revolt of Malik Farrukh-Shah, for whom Zangi acted as Atabeg, and the siege of Qal'at Ja'bar, ends with the murder of Zangi during this, his last operation.

The conventional understanding behind how the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC) has formulated its decisions and subsequently behaved in the international system has consistently centered on the role of market forces. Either proactively or reactively, it has been assumed that OPEC’s actions were merely engaging and responding to the supply and demand dynamics in the global economy. Though space was always given to the political considerations of certain OPEC Member States, and how that impacts the behavior of the Organization, inquiry into OPEC decision-making and behavior has generally centered on economic considerations, with politics playing an intermittent supporting role. This work challenges the assumptions behind the conventional narrative of OPEC’s behavior in the international system. By utilizing a historically-based process tracing method, relying heavily on archival data from OPEC’s headquarters and declassified American national security documents from the late 1940s to the present, a more sophisticated model of decision-making and behavior is developed. Accordingly, OPEC’s decisions and behavior are more accurately a product of four inter-related determinants: the role of market forces, the influence of outside actors (usually great powers) upon the Organization, interstate relations and politics among Member States, and the pressure of the internal state dynamics within OPEC Member States. It is at the intersection of these four variables where OPEC’s behavior is more readily understood. Thus, with a sophisticated understanding of the interplay of these determinants, OPEC’s decision-making process and behavior can be more accurately understood and possibly forecasted to a limited degree.

O presente trabalho se propõe a descrever e analisar a política externa brasileira para o Oriente Médio no governo do presidente Luís Inácio Lula da Silva (2003-2010). O Brasil – conjuntamente com seus vizinhos sul americanos – buscou retomar e estreitar suas relações com essa região, que, historicamente, sempre apresentou-se como sendo não tradicional na atuação internacional brasileira. Assim, a política externa brasileira para o Oriente Médio é descrita e analisada, sendo identificados brevemente os antecedentes desta política desde o final da década de 1940 até os governos militares e o período de pós-democratização do País. A redescoberta recíproca das duas regiões representa vasto potencial ainda por se realizar no campo das relações bilaterais, tendo tido destaque no período o advento da Cúpula América do Sul-Países Árabes (ASPA). Diante dos novos contornos conduzidos pelo governo Lula do diálogo brasileiro e sul americano com os países do Oriente Médio, o objetivo principal deste trabalho é analisar a evolução dessas relações. Dentre as variáveis a serem investigadas, o trabalho aborda as características da política externa brasileira oriundas do setor externo como fator supletivo ao desenvolvimento nacional. Ademais, o trabalho possui como hipótese principal o fato de que houve uma similaridade de abordagem entre as políticas externas dos governos brasileiros para o Oriente Médio em razão do caráter desenvolvimentista da política exterior brasileira, que passou por ajustes ao longo do governo Lula. Além dos objetivos econômicos buscados anteriormente, novas atribuições foram somadas às relações com a região, sobretudo, de cunho político e social, bem como de cooperação. Houve um incremento das trocas comerciais entre as partes e, no campo político, o Brasil procurou exercer um papel de mediador nos conflitos da região nunca antes perpetrado pelo Brasil. / This paper aims to describe and analyze the Brazilian foreign policy for the Middle East under President Luis Inacio Lula da Silva (2003-2010). Brazil – together with its South American neighbors – sought to resume and strengthen its relations with the region, which, historically, has always presented itself as being not in the traditional Brazilian international relations. Thus, Brazil's foreign policy in the Middle East is discussed, starting briefly with the background to this policy since the late 1940s until the military governments and the post-democratization of Brazil. The mutual rediscovery of the two regions has a vast potential yet to be realized in the field of bilateral relations, emerging as highlight in the period the Summit of South American-Arab Countries (ASPA). Faced with the new contours conducted by the Lula government dialogue with Brazilian and South American countries with the Middle East, the main objective of this paper is to analyze the evolution of these relations. Among the variables to be investigated, the paper addresses the characteristics of Brazilian foreign policy coming from the external sector as a supplementary factor for national development. Moreover, the work has as main hypothesis the fact that there was a similarity of approach between the foreign policies of the Brazilian government to the Middle East because of the developmental character of Brazilian foreign policy, which was adjusted along the Lula government. In addition to economic goals pursued previously, new tasks were added to the relations with the region, mainly, political and social, as well as cooperative. There was an increase of trade among the parties and, in the political field, Brazil has sought to play a mediating role in conflicts in the region never before perpetrated by the country.

Inom terrorismforskningen har flera teorier presenterats som förklaringar till varför och hur stater drabbas av terrorism. En stor del av diskursen handlar dock om ursprunget till terrorism och en betydligt mindre del om hur stater skall hantera detta problem. En av de förhållandevis få teoretiska slutsatser som föreslår hur stater bör agera och förhålla sig till terrorism är netwar-konceptet. Det är de positiva antagandena i detta större normativa teoretiska koncept som jag valt att undersöka närmare i uppsatsen. John Arquilla och David Ronfeldt, forskarna bakom netwar, hävdar att stater måste börja organisera sig på samma sätt som terroristgrupperna för att nå framgång i sin bekämpning av dem. De förordar ett nytt sätt för staten hur den bör betrakta dessa motståndare. Till grund för en normativ teori föreligger vanligtvis flera positiva teorier eller antaganden. Det normativa i denna teori, uttalandet om hur stater bör agera, underbyggs av positiva antaganden om hur verkligheten ser ut. För att någon längre fram skall kunna uttala sig om teorins rådgivande slutsatser, om hur det bör ske, behövs först en matchning av hur väl de positiva antagandena stämmer överens med verkligheten. I den positiva delen av teorin beskriver Arquilla och Ronfeldt teoretiskt hur terroristgrupper, netwarriors, är uppbyggda och fungerar. Forskarna bakom netwar-konceptet ställer det relativt kontroversiella anspråket att teorin passar all sorts terrorism. Genom att kartlägga hur väl den teoretiska beskrivningen av en netwarrior passar på en slags terrorismgrupp vill jag försöka komma fram till huruvida teorins normativa del kan anses ha väl underbyggda antaganden.