A growing literature indicates that the representation of women in legislatures is positively associated with the passage of female-friendly social policy. However, there is little corresponding research concerning the effect of women in cabinet on female-friendly social policy. Yet, almost all advanced industrial democracies are parliamentary democracies, where policies typically originate within the cabinet and governments typically enjoy substantial control over the legislative process. Thus, to the extent that women promote female-friendly policy, women in cabinet positions should be ideally placed to do so, and indeed, possibly be more influential than women in legislatures. The purpose of this study is to analyze the role of female cabinet ministers in the adoption of a wide range of female-friendly policies, thus addressing this gap in the gender and politics literature. However, the role of female officeholders on female friendly policy may differ by policy. To address this issue, I look at three different policy areas: family leave, working time, and child care. I create an index measure for each policy area so that I am able to analyze women’s impact on both individual policies (e.g. maternity leave) and a wider range of related female-friendly policies (e.g. family leave policies in general). In order to assess female officeholders’ effect on female friendly policy in general, I sum the three policy indices to form a single measure of female-friendly policy; this is the Support for Women’s Employment Index. Using OLS regression, I find that female ministers have a significant effect on the adoption of female-friendly policy generally and in each of the three policy areas.

This study investigates the history of venereal diseases in Sweden in the period from 1785 to 1903. Medical and political perceptions of these diseases as well as the patients and their continued lives have been studied. Venereal diseases were considered a significant threat to the growth of the population throughout the period. They were recognised through the dramatic sores that they produced on the body of the patient, and were frequently cured with mercurial therapies. In the late nineteenth century, syphilis and gonorrhoea became the two most significant sexually transmitted diseases. They were believed to cause paralysis, mental illness, infant mortality and infertility. Sweden fought venereal diseases with a network of State-controlled health measures. County hospitals that contained special wards for patients diagnosed with venereal diseases were established in the late eighteenth century. These hospitals were financed by mandatory revenue after 1817. Medical care was mandatory and ministers, law officers and heads of households could inform the provincial physicians about the incidence of venereal disease. During the nineteenth century, the regulation of prostitution was enforced which implied that women were blamed for the spread of these diseases. Patients with venereal disease belonged to a cross section of contemporary Swedish society. Most of them were from the lower- or working-classes. They suffered higher age-specific mortality in the first half of the century, and high infant mortality throughout the period. It appears, however, that the constructed image of a patient with venereal disease had little impact upon their lives. Contemporary poverty and societal problems, such as unemployment and poor housing, probably played a larger part in their lives. / digitalisering@umu

This dissertation takes a step towards providing a better understanding of post-socialist welfare state development from a theoretical as well as an empirical perspective. The overall analytical goal of this thesis has been to critically assess the development of social policies in Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania using them as illustrative examples of post-socialist welfare state development in the light of the theories, approaches and typologies that have been developed to study affluent capitalist democracies. The four studies included in this dissertation aspire to a common aim in a number of specific ways. The first study tries to place the ideal-typical welfare state models of the Baltic States within the well-known welfare state typologies. At the same time, it provides a rich overview of the main social security institutions in the three countries by comparing them with each other and with the previous structures of the Soviet period. It examines the social insurance institutions of the Baltic States (old-age pensions, unemployment insurance, short-term benefits, sickness, maternity and parental insurance and family benefits) with respect to conditions of eligibility, replacement rates, financing and contributions. The findings of this study indicate that the Latvian social security system can generally be labelled as a mix of the basic security and corporatist models. The Estonian social security system can generally also be characterised as a mix of the basic security and corporatist models, even if there are some weak elements of the targeted model in it. It appears that the institutional changes developing in the social security system of Lithuania have led to a combination of the basic security and targeted models of the welfare state. Nevertheless, as the example of the three Baltic States shows, there is diversity in how these countries solve problems within the field of social policy. In studying the social security schemes in detail, some common features were found that could be attributed to all three countries. Therefore, the critical analysis of the main social security institutions of the Baltic States in this study gave strong supporting evidence in favour of identifying the post-socialist regime type that is already gaining acceptance within comparative welfare state research. Study Two compares the system of social maintenance and insurance in the Soviet Union, which was in force in the three Baltic countries before their independence, with the currently existing social security systems. The aim of the essay is to highlight the forces that have influenced the transformation of the social policy from its former highly universal, albeit authoritarian, form, to the less universal, social insurance-based systems of present-day Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania. This study demonstrates that the welfare–economy nexus is not the only important factor in the development of social programs. The results of this analysis revealed that people's attitudes towards distributive justice and the developmental level of civil society also play an important part in shaping social policies. The shift to individualism in people’s mentality and the decline of the labour movement, or, to be more precise, the decline in trade union membership and influence, does nothing to promote the development of social rights in the Baltic countries and hinders the expansion of social policies. The legacy of the past has been another important factor in shaping social programs. It can be concluded that social policy should be studied as if embedded not only in the welfare-economy nexus, but also in the societal, historical and cultural nexus of a given society. Study Three discusses the views of the state elites on family policy within a wider theoretical setting covering family policy and social policy in a broader sense and attempts to expand this analytical framework to include other post-socialist countries. The aim of this essay is to explore the various views of the state elites in the Baltics concerning family policy and, in particular, family benefits as one of the possible explanations for the observed policy differences. The qualitative analyses indicate that the Baltic States differ significantly with regard to the motives behind their family policies. Lithuanian decision-makers seek to reduce poverty among families with children and enhance the parents’ responsibility for bringing up their children. Latvian policy-makers act so as to increase the birth rate and create equal opportunities for children from all families. Estonian policy-makers seek to create equal opportunities for all children and the desire to enhance gender equality is more visible in the case of Estonia in comparison with the other two countries. It is strongly arguable that there is a link between the underlying motives and the kinds of family benefits in a given country. This study, thus, indicates how intimately the attitudes of the state bureaucrats, policy-makers, political elite and researchers shape social policy. It confirms that family policy is a product of the prevailing ideology within a country, while the potential influence of globalisation and Europeanisation is detectable too. The final essay takes into account the opinions of welfare users and examines the performances of the institutionalised family benefits by relying on the recipients’ opinions regarding these benefits. The opinions of the populations as a whole regarding government efforts to help families are compared with those of the welfare users. Various family benefits are evaluated according to the recipients' satisfaction with those benefits as well as the contemporaneous levels of subjective satisfaction with the welfare programs related to the absolute level of expenditure on each program. The findings of this paper indicate that, in Latvia, people experience a lower level of success regarding state-run family insurance institutions, as compared to those in Lithuania and Estonia. This is deemed to be because the cash benefits for families and children in Latvia are, on average, seen as marginally influencing the overall financial situation of the families concerned. In Lithuania and Estonia, the overwhelming majority think that the family benefit systems improve the financial situation of families. It appears that recipients evaluated universal family benefits as less positive than targeted benefits. Some universal benefits negatively influenced the level of general satisfaction with the family benefits system provided in the countries being researched. This study puts forward a discussion about whether universalism is always more legitimate than targeting. In transitional economies, in which resources are highly constrained, some forms of universal benefits could turn out to be very expensive in relative terms, without being seen as useful or legitimate forms of help to families. In sum, by closely examining the different aspects of social policy, this dissertation goes beyond the over-generalisation of Eastern European welfare state development and, instead, takes a more detailed look at what is really going on in these countries through the examples of Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia. In addition, another important contribution made by this study is that it revives ‘western’ theoretical knowledge through ‘eastern’ empirical evidence and provides the opportunity to expand the theoretical framework for post-socialist societies.

Different kinds of cultural studies can be used in order to learn more about disability, social policies, attitudes and citizenship. The purpose of this study is to outline some aspects of disability and Swedish society during the 19th century. The ambition is to analyse the issue of the integration of the deaf-mutes and the blind. How did politicians and educators motivate the establishment of compulsory schooling? How was the issue of correction of the body treated? How did they deal with the situation on the labour market? What kind of compensation was contemporary society willing to support? Social policies in the past are likely to be described in terms of control, repression and barriers. This study looks at disability from a more anthropological view which implies the use of hermeneutics, seeking to identify the agent’s own understanding of a problem in order to learn more about how social categorisation and citizenship are integrated and how they change. The use of original sources, such as records from the Swedish parliament and conferences held by experts as well as periodicals, makes this kind of approach possible. This thesis argues that disability must be understood as something that is constantly in the arena of a more dialectical struggle where a number of visions and interests have melted together. In the course of state interventionism and growing social justice, citizenship and disability to a greater extent became a question of honour. Being granted certain rights meant that the individual had passed the test and was now sanctioned as disabled, one who deserved the right to rights. This transition promoted a growing group consciousness. A more dialectical approach perforates the border between social control and humanity since they were not always mutually exclusive.

This dissertation consists of a case study of Swedish psychology during a specific period of time. It focuses psychology as a scientific discpline, as a professionalised occupation and as a cognitive resource for policy-making. From a general science studies perspective, it aims to provide a sociological and historical analysis of the development of psychological research, psychological practice and psychology's relation to social policy-making in key areas of the welfare state in general. The case study utilises discourse analysis, analysis of archival and documentary material, interviews and bibliometric analyses. It is argued that psychologists have changed their image from being primarily academics to being clinical practitioners whose expertise has moved from differential diagnostics to psychotherapy. Professional discourse has evolved similarly to that shown to be the case in other countries, drawing extensively on rhetorics of economics, humanitarianism and facilitation and control. A critical assessment of discourse analysis and constructionism is provided, arguing for a restricted application of constructionism in science studies. Further, professional action and organisation is analysed. It is argued that the professional project pursued by psychologists is characterised by power struggles within the profession, and is an outcome of adaptation to institutional demands stemming from the labour-market. It results in a pattern of professionalisation which deviates from what is hypothesised by much professionalisation theory. Psychology's role as a cognitive resource for social policy-making is analysed in relation to claims to decisive influence made by psychologists. It is argued that psychology has played a negligible role in key areas of policy-making. The case illustrates the politicisation of science rather than the scientization of policy-making. Finally, psychology's development as a a discipline is analysed. It is argued that the changes in the system of research and higher education illustrates the increasing influence of non-cognitive factors on disciplinary development. It has provided academic psychology with potential for growth but at the same time weakened its disciplinary core. Academic psychology has been more theoretically and methodologically diverse than is usually claimed, but a rivalling knowledge ideal to the traditional academic one has been introduced by sectorial research policy.

Over the past ten years, the State of California has realized environmental, economic, and social benefits through the increased deployment of solar photovoltaic technologies. However, utility-scale and residential-scale solar projects also pose a variety of problems, which have created barriers to their broader adoption. Community solar projects offer a model for solar development that can reduce the problems associated with utility-scale and residential-scale projects, while simultaneously preserving the benefits of each. This thesis examines the problems associated with current solar projects and proposes policy to support the community solar project model in California.

La presente investigación pretende contribuir al fortalecimiento de una cultura de paz, proponiendo implementar estrategias de resolución pacífica de conflictos como la mediación, considerándola como política social que incida en la transformación positiva de los conflictos. La herramienta idónea, el diálogo y los valores: tolerancia, cooperación, participación activa de la sociedad, solidaridad y el acercamiento de la justicia a la ciudadanía, serán los elementos indispensables para solucionar de manera efectiva, pronta, económica y equitativa los conflictos de la sociedad del siglo XXI. / This research aims to contribute to strengthening a culture of peace, proposing to implement strategies of peaceful conflict resolution such as mediation, considering it as a social policy that affects the positive transformation of conflicts. The right tool, dialogue and values: tolerance, cooperation, active participation of society, solidarity and justice closer to citizens, will be indispensable to solve effectively, timely, and equitable economic conflicts of the XXI century.

Over the past ten years, the State of California has realized environmental, economic, and social benefits through the increased deployment of solar photovoltaic technologies. However, utility-scale and residential-scale solar projects also pose a variety of problems, which have created barriers to their broader adoption. Community solar projects offer a model for solar development that can reduce the problems associated with utility-scale and residential-scale projects, while simultaneously preserving the benefits of each. This thesis examines the problems associated with current solar projects and proposes policy to support the community solar project model in California.

After U.S. welfare was reformed in 1996, many states eliminated their educational programs and replaced them with "work-first" options. This study uses in-depth interviews and content analysis of current and proposed welfare legislation to examine how these policy changes have shaped the experiences of postsecondary students participating in the Temporary Assistance for Needy Families (TANF) program and to determine whether or not proposed policy changes in TANF reauthorization legislation meet the needs of students. To fulfill the first objective of this study, I conducted interviews with 20 TANF participants who were using enrollment in a postsecondary institution as a means of satisfying their TANF work requirements and 10 TANF case managers who were familiar with the program's policies and procedures. The interviews were conducted in Georgia, one of 13 states that until 2003 explicitly allowed participants to use postsecondary education as a means of meeting work activity requirements. To fulfill the second objective of this study, I analyzed the content of the 1996 Personal Responsibility and Work Opportunity Reconciliation Act (PRWORA) and current legislative proposals reauthorizing the act. I find that a variety of internal and external forces -- including one's beliefs regarding education and parenting, one's familial obligations and support systems, and one's receipt of academic and financial aid -- collectively shape students' experiences and likelihood of educational success in various ways. I also determine that the TANF program itself, in particular the emphasis on increasing participation rates and restrictive definitions of acceptable work activities, prevent students from succeeding. These findings are relevant for researchers and policymakers intent on more fully understanding the effects of contemporary U.S. welfare reform and reveal the limitations of current welfare reauthorization acts that seek to further limit educational opportunities of economically-poor women.

In this thesis it is aimed to explore the new social policy agenda, in which the role of local governments as policy makers has been increasing. In this respect, the contemporary Turkish local government system, and social policies of the municipalities are analyzed by drawing upon the European Union&rsquo / s approach on the social policy in the urban context. Within this framework, the social policies of the Ankara Metropolitan Municipality are studied.