This thesis will explore the function of the conductor’s left hand, with emphasis on its expressive possibilities and the gestures. In the first chapter, the role of the conductor is discussed, and some problems around the field of expressive gestures are brought up. In the second chapter, I present the history of conducting, or rather the history of musical leadership, as the practice of conducting we are familiar with today began in the late 19th Century. In this chapter, I also include some paragraphs about gesture and its role and function outside of musical leadership, such as public speaking. In chapter three, I examine a selection of instruction books and how they treat the use of the left hand. During the work on this material I found several quotations and thoughts from conductors, in letters and interviews, presented in chapter four. This is interesting for this study, because it offers the personal opinions and experiences of well-established conductors and conducting teachers. It also shows how the opinions on the use of the left hand have changed over the past century. Chapter five is a lengthy chapter of research on this topic. Not all is directly connected to the left hand, but all is in connection to gesture in some way. These chapters form the basis of a discussion, where findings in previous chapters are pointed out and debated, and the authors personal opinion is presented. At the end follows suggestions on how this topic can be further researched and how one can create a repertoire of expressive gestures.

Mémoire numérisé par la Division de la gestion de documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal.

This study is based on the relationship between the Kurds and the Left in Turkey between 1960s and 1990 in Turkey. The question of identity is discussed in terms of the continuities and ruptures in the discourse(s) of the Left in Turkey on the 'eastern question' and 'Kurdish (national) question' in this period. The main question of the research is how the Kurdish identity was constructed in the discourses of Yön, TKSP (Türkiye Kürdistanı Sosyalist Partisi - Turkish Kurdistan Socialist Party), and the PKK (Partiya Karkerên Kurdistanê - Kurdistan Workers' Party). Three sample publications/organizations representative of the leftist discourse in the period were selected to show the Left's treatment of the Kurdish question by using periodical publications, memoirs, clandestine organizational documents and through discourse analysis.

Master of Science / Department of Statistics / Christopher I. Vahl / Chemicals and drugs applied to animals used in meat production often have the potential to cause adverse effects on human consumers. To ensure safety, a withdrawal period, i.e. the minimum time allowed between application of the drug and entry of the animal into the food supply, must be determined for each drug used on food-producing animals. The withdrawal period is based on an upper tolerance limit at a given time point. It is not uncommon that the concentration of the drug in some tissue samples to be measured at a level below the limit of quantitation (LOQ). Because the measurement of the tissue concentration cannot be confidently determined with enough precision, these types of observations are often treated as if they were left censored where the censoring value is equal to the limit of quantitation. Several methods are commonly used in practice to deal with this situation. The simplest methods are either to exclude observations below the limit of quantitation or to replace those values with zero, LOQ or ½ LOQ. Previous studies have shown that these methods result in biased in estimation of the population mean and population variance. Alternatively, one could incorporate censoring into the likelihood and compute the maximum likelihood estimate (MLE) for the population mean and variance assuming a normal or lognormal distribution. These estimates are also biased but it has been shown that they are asymptotically unbiased. However, it is not clear yet how these various methods affect estimation of the upper tolerance limit, especially when the sample size is small, e.g. less than 35. In this report, we will examine the effects of substituting the LOQ or ½ LOQ for censored values as well as using the MLEs of the mean and variance in the construction of an upper tolerance limit for a normal population through simulation. Additionally, we propose a modified substitution method where observations below the LOQ are replaced by functions of the order statistics of non-censored observations under an assumption of symmetry. Its performance relative to the above methods will also be evaluated in the simulation study. In the end, the results from this study will be applied to an environmental study.

M.A. (Psychology) / The motivation for this research arose from the fact that very little if any empirical research has been done in connection with the cognitive abilities of persons with right hemispheric language representation. Knowledge of the structural and functional correlates of hemispheric asymmetry has thus far been obtained primarily from people with left hemispheric language representation. A further motivation was that the existing knowledge about hemispheric asymmetry has been obtained mainly from studies of patients with brain damage...

The purpose of this thesis is to describe the hard euroscepticism in two Swedish parties: The Swedish democrats and the Left party, by describing and comparing their arguments. I will mainly do this by examining if they have traditional features in their arguments and if they have an alternative system to the EU. I’m using a study by Van Bohemen et al and the Benchmark theory by De Vries to analyze the results. The arguments are found in their official party documents. By describing, comparing and analyzing the arguments I’ve found that both parties arguments have anti-institutional and protectionist features. The Left party also argues against economic inequality and the Swedish democrats arguments have ethnocentric features. Besides the traditional ‘arguments’ The Left party also argue that the union is unequal, neoliberal and disregarding the climate changes. Both parties also have an alternative system to the EU. The Left party wants to replace it with international organizations which works against for instance inequality and climate changes. The Swedish democrats wants a deepened Nordic collaboration, which would help the economy as well as protect the Nordic identity. My conclusion is that both parties have traditional Eurosceptic features and an alternative system. There are some similarities as well as differences in their arguments and the differences are mainly ideological.

MSc (Med), University of the Witwatersrand, Faculty of Health Sciences, School of Physiology / The role of metabolic remodelling in heart failure is not fully understood, significant evidence has accumulated to suggest that it may be central to the development of left ventricular (LV) remodelling and LV dysfunction. Heart failure is also characterized by sustained neurohumoral activation. We have previously demonstrated that chronic low dose administration of isoproterenol contributes to cardiac structural and functional changes, however, little is known about metabolic and mitochondrial changes that may accompany the development of isoproterenol-mediated heart failure. In the current study, we hypothesised that metabolic dysregulation and loss of mitochondrial integrity mediates left ventricular hypertrophy (LVH) and left ventricular (LV) systolic dysfunction in the isoproterenol model of heart failure. Furthermore, modulation of expression of key metabolic genes and mitochondrial transcription factors by fenofibrate, a peroxisome proliferator-activated receptor alpha (PPARα) agonist, will preserve left ventricular function. To achieve this, male Sprague-Dawley rats weighing between 250-300g were injected with low dose isoproterenol (0.04 mg.kg-1.day-1) and/or administered with fenofibrate (100 mg.kg-1.day-1) for five weeks. Thereafter, metabolic substrates such as glucose, FFAs and TG concentrations were obtained. Left ventricular hypertrophy (LVH) and cardiac function were assessed using echocardiography. Expressions of metabolic and mitochondrial genes such as PPARα, AMP-activated protein kinase alpha 2 (AMPKα2), PPARγ coactivator-1 (PGC-1α), mitochondrial transcription factor (TFAM) and nuclear respiratory factor-1 (NRF-1) were determined using real-time polymerase chain reaction. Mitochondrial integrity was assessed using transmission electron microscopy. Administration of isoproterenol significantly increased left ventricular mass (LVM) and decreased endocardial fractional shortening (FSend); isoproterenol also induced myofibrillar iv derangement, mitochondrial derangement and cristae disruption. Fenofibrate prevented isoproterenol-induced increase in LVM and improved FSend. Fenofibrate co-administration prevented loss of mitochondrial integrity possibly via TFAM. Furthermore, fenofibrate may have induced metabolic remodelling via upregulation of AMPKα2 and downregulation of cardiac PPARα and PGC-1α. Therefore our data suggests that fenofibrate-mediated cardioprotection against isoproterenol-induced LVH and LV systolic dysfunction was accompanied by metabolic switching and preservation of mitochondrial integrity. While isoproterenol did not induce any changes in metabolic genes, fenofibrate-mediated cardioprotection could have been through changes in metabolic genes.

A pesquisa analisa periódicos produzidos por brasileiros exilados no Chile entre 1968 e 1973, com o objetivo de identificar como esses intelectuais concebiam o Brasil e a América Latina a partir das experiências do exílio e das revisões das concepções teóricas que regiam a ação dos grupos de esquerda. Foram selecionados para análise os periódicos com maior duração e circulação: o Frente Brasileño de Informaciones, publicado entre 1968 e 1973 pelo Comitê de Denúncia de Repressão no Brasil, e o Campanha, produzido a partir de 1972 pelo grupo de esquerda Fração Bolchevique. Embora apresentassem posicionamentos políticos distintos, ambos debatiam as complexas transformações do exílio e possibilitavam a troca de informações e ideias entre os grupos de brasileiros presentes no Chile, no Brasil e na Europa. Após a implantação do regime militar chileno em 1973, que obrigou os brasileiros a partirem para um novo exílio, o Campanha reapareceu em Paris e passou a apresentar artigos que evidenciavam uma grande alteração de perspectivas sobre a realidade latino-americana e sobre os projetos revolucionários discutidos e conduzidos a partir do exílio. A pesquisa também analisa a trajetória desse periódico em Paris para observar qual foi o impacto da vivência do exílio no Chile e do golpe militar de 1973 para a redefinição das concepções e estratégias de ação do grupo que o produzia. Por meio da análise dos textos e imagens dos impressos produzidos no Chile e também do Campanha após sua reorganização em 1974, almeja-se identificar quais alterações ocorreram nas diferentes abordagens sobre o exílio, o Brasil, a América Latina e a Esquerda. A pesquisa estende-se até o ano de 1979, quando os exilados começam a retornar ao Brasil, intensificando os debates sobre a redemocratização e a reinserção numa sociedade por tanto tempo imaginada e muito distante da realidade que viriam encontrar. / The research analyzes journals produced by Brazilians exiles in Chile between 1968 and 1973, aiming to identify how these intellectuals understood Brazil and Latin America according to the experiences of exile and the reviews of the theoretical concepts that guide the actions of leftist groups. Two journals that have greater duration and circulation were selected for the analysis: Frente Brasileño de Informaciones, published between 1968 and 1973 by the Comitê de Denúncia e Repressão no Brasil, and Campanha, produced in 1972 by a group denominated Fração Bolchevique. Although they presented different political positions, both debated the complex transformations from exile and made possible the exchange of information and ideas between groups of Brazilians present in Chile, Brazil and Europe. After the implementation of the Chilean military regime in 1973, which forced the Brazilian to leave for a new exile, Campanha reappeared in Paris and began to submit articles that demonstrate a significant change in perspectives on the Latin American reality and about the revolutionary projects discussed and led from exile. The survey also examines the trajectory of this journal in Paris to see how the impact of living in exile in Chile and the military coup of 1973 redefine the concepts and action strategies of the group that produced it. Through analysis of texts and images of printed materials produced in Chile and also from Campanha after its reorganization in 1974, we aim to identify what changes occurred in the different approaches on exile, Brazil, Latin America and the Left. The research extends to the year 1979, when the exiles began to return to Brazil, intensifying the debate on democratization and reintegration in society for so long imagined and far from reality that they would find.

This thesis shows that exploitation can arise from a just background, via just steps, when we exercise our moral rights. The theory rests on the idea that exploitation can arise via a special category of luck, which I call socially constructed luck. By taking into account what John Rawls calls background justice and what G.A. Cohen refers to as an accumulation problem, I argue that socially constructed luck is brought about through a cumulative process of people freely exercising their moral rights in the pursuit of their own conception of the good life. Unless the negative effects of this type of luck are offset, exploitative interactions can arise where people have no reasonable alternative but to enter a particular transaction. Socially constructed luck can play a direct role in privileging some individuals at the expense of others and allows for the extraction of surplus benefits. Importantly, by showing that luck egalitarianism should be understood within a conception of exploitation, the thesis not only provides a deeper understanding of how the luck egalitarian and relational egalitarian views align, but also justifies the introduction of a basic right to a reasonable alternative.

The purpose of this thesis is to describe the hard euroscepticism in two Swedish parties: The Swedish democrats and the Left party, by describing and comparing their arguments. I will mainly do this by examining if they have traditional features in their arguments and if they have an alternative system to the EU. I’m using a study by Van Bohemen et al and the Benchmark theory by De Vries to analyze the results. The arguments are found in their official party documents. By describing, comparing and analyzing the arguments I’ve found that both parties arguments have anti-institutional and protectionist features. The Left party also argues against economic inequality and the Swedish democrats arguments have ethnocentric features. Besides the traditional ‘arguments’ The Left party also argue that the union is unequal, neoliberal and disregarding the climate changes. Both parties also have an alternative system to the EU. The Left party wants to replace it with international organizations which works against for instance inequality and climate changes. The Swedish democrats wants a deepened Nordic collaboration, which would help the economy as well as protect the Nordic identity. My conclusion is that both parties have traditional Eurosceptic features and an alternative system. There are some similarities as well as differences in their arguments and the differences are mainly ideological.