Frihandelsavtalet Nafta (North American Free Trade Agreement) slöts den 1:a januari 1994 mellan USA, Kanada och Mexiko.Synen på fri handel har alltid varit en laddad ideologisk fråga och det var främst fackföreningsrörelsen och miljörörelsen som kom att rikta den skarpaste kritiken mot Nafta. Den handlade bland annat om den höga mexikanska immigrationsnivån till USA, ökad arbetslöshet, att miljöfrågorna inte prioriterades och att avtalet skulle leda fram till större ekonomiska klyftor. Syftet med uppsatsen är att med enkomparativ ansats undersöka hur det mediala språkbruket i New York Times konstruerar och ramar in bilden av Nafta under åren 1993 och 2009/2010 och vilken ideologisk konsensus som dras.Genom att använda Entmans inramningsanalys (framing), van Dijks kritiska diskursanalys och Fowlers konsensusideologi, kunde bakomliggande ideologier och diskurser komma upp till ytan och intressanta iakttagelser av Nafta göras. Problemdefinitionen 1993 speglade ett Mexiko i djup ekonomisk- och social kris och USA:s ekonomiska problem med bland annat hög arbetslöshet och stora mexikanska immigrationsvågor. Problemet låg främst i den okunnighet och rädsla som genomsyrade den amerikanska befolkningens inställning till Nafta. I 1993 års artiklar fanns en genomgående repetition av den dominerande och homogena inramningen som bestod av en liberal marknadssyn där frihandel lyftes fram som det främsta framgångsreceptet och därmed blev Nafta den enda utvägen ur krisen. Genom ”salience” repeterades detta budskap genom nyhetsdiskursen, till exempel genom referenser till elitpersoner och USA som elitnation. Problemdefinitionen 2009/2010 fokuserade på president Obama och den ekonomiska krisen som hade drabbat USA mycket hårt. Problemet låg i Obamas osäkerhet och ambivalens inför att genomföra viktiga och nödvändiga reformer inom Nafta. Den moraliska utvärderingen var delvis homogen, där samtliga artiklar var överens om att Nafta var i behov av nya reformer. Men synen på Obamas ledarskap skiljde sig åt. Den dominerande inramningen bestod fortfarande av en liberal marknadssyn, men som ställde sig mycket kritisk till frihandelns utformning. Vad som skedde i källanvändningen 1993 var att en gränsdragning gjordes mellan anhängare och motståndare till Nafta, som i högsta grad exkluderades på grund av att de ifrågasatte den rådande politiska konsensus. Främst skedde en gränsdragning till de aktörer som ställde sig mycket kritiska till Nafta och såg avtalet som ett hot, här ingick arbetare och fackföreningsrörelsen. Konsensusideologin var inte lika självklar i artiklarna från 2009/2010. Den segmenterade politisk elit som tillhörde förespråkarna av Nafta som tidigare hade uteslutande majoritet i källanvändningen hade nu fått kliva åt sidan. Artiklarna skiljde sig åt och gränsdragningarna mellan ”Vi” och ”de andra” var inte lika tydlig. Här fick de kritiska Nafta-rösterna ett bredare respekterat utrymme, men det skulle inte gälla för alla, samma aktörer som var uteslutna i periferin 1993 var också utelämnade från källanvändningen under 2009/2010, nämligen arbetare och fackföreningsrörelsen. Trots detta är förhoppningen att 2009/2010 års artiklar ändå är ett tecken på att den nya tiden har lett fram till en ödmjukare, mindre cynisk och kapitalistiskt styrd amerikansk journalistik, som låter de stigmatiserade grupperna ta ett större medialt utrymme.

The current heated national debate over immigration policy is a reminder of the contentious relationship the United States historically has had with its immigrant population, especially those who enter the country without proper documentation. For example, a major issue confronting California voters in 1994 was Proposition 187, a plan to deny social services to the state’s undocumented immigrants, the vast majority of whom were nonwhite. In this study, I argue that this issue took place during an immigration “panic,” one of several that took place in the United States during the 20th century. In these “panics,” which also occurred in the 1930s, the 1950s and the 1970s, undocumented immigrants served as convenient scapegoats for larger social ills. A significant and under-researched aspect of these events was the role played by the major U. S. mainstream media in perpetuating this scapegoating process. The study takes an in-depth look at how the New York Times and the Los Angeles Times covered the 1994 debate over Proposition 187, which occurred during the most recent of these immigration panics. It concludes that these newspapers’ coverage of 187 was shaped by the discourse of California’s elite politicians (both liberal and conservative) that focused on the predominantly non-white population of undocumented immigrants as “the problem.” By framing the undocumented as deviant, this coverage helped perpetuate the elite “blame the victim” discourse that diverted public attention from other issues facing the state, such as the fact that California was enduring its most significant recession since the Great Depression. / text

This preliminary study examined the dominant frames used by the New York Times in the coverage of HIV/AIDS in Africa. The study also analyzed the tone of coverage used on HIV/AIDS stories on Africa and the volume of news coverage on the issue from January 2000 to December 2007. The results of the study indicated a dominant human disaster frame in the coverage of HIV/AIDS stories on Africa. Overall tone of coverage was neutral. However, findings indicated more negative tones of coverage than positive. The volume of coverage changed overtime. Ultimately, these media frames carry significant implications for public attitude and policy outcomes / Department of Journalism

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This paper adopts a critical discourse analysis approach in order to identify and contrast the representation of the Occupy Wall Street movement in the New York Post and the New York Times. Occupy Wall Street was a protest movement against greed and financial and social inequality that started in Zuccotti Park in New York City in 2011. News media and its institutional media discourse have a power to influence people in terms of what they talk about and how they talk about it. Therefore, the aim of this paper is to make it transparent on a linguistic level that newspapers have an ability to create different discursive realities of the Occupy Wall Street movement through their language use. This is done by analysing news articles written on the same dates about the Occupy Wall Street protest in the New York Times and the New York Post using the tools global coherence, transitivity, and lexical categorisation. Results showed that in the articles in the New York Post the city represents the in-group, ‘us’, while the protesters represent the out-group, ‘them’. The repression of ‘them’, the protesters, is desired by the city that represents ‘us’. In the articles in the New York Times, on the other hand, the group of protesters is the in-group that is polarised with the police. Both the New York Times and the New York Post produce discourses where the protesters are incapable of achieving any real political or social change.

The main purpose of this master's thesis is to describe and analyze the opinions of a several selected journalists, associated with the The New York Times, on participation the official policy of the United States in the war in Bosnia and Herzegovina (1992- 1995). On the basic of texts of several outstanding personalities of American journalism the early 90s, the thesis presents a picture of how this conflict resonated in one of the most popular American journals and primarily how journalists evaluated the policy of president Bill Clinton and his National Security Council in the Balkans. Besides this main practical part, which includes an overview of the every single journalists and political position of The New York Times, the thesis is also dedicated to the overall nature of foreign policy of W. J. Clinton and George Bush sr., background of Bosnian conflict and detailed summary of events in wartime Bosnia with a strong emphasis on the participation of the White House.

1996年來，《紐約時報》緊跟數位科技發展，跨媒體經營網站，其內部新聞室也出現轉折，以產製數位新聞目標，逐步調整新聞產製的內容與方式。本研究從新聞產製取徑出發，分析《紐約時報》自1996年到2016年間的新聞室數位化轉型歷程，剖析產製數位新聞與工作常規轉變之間的關聯性。經文獻回顧所整理的分析架構，將研究個案的分三階段探討：第一階段變革（1996-1999）、第二階段變革（2000-2007）、第三階段變革（2008-2016），文獻分析法，系統性地整理現有歷史資料，剖析研究個案在不同階段的轉型歷程。 研究發現，《紐約時報》在各階段數位科技發展中從未缺席，甚至積極擁抱改變，拋棄過往歷經百年的印刷報紙產製流程，以求市場領先地位。其歷年來的數位新聞服務多元，儘管過程中有些服務宣告失敗，但經營者與高層主管總有獨到見解，積極投入資源，內部新聞從業人員也總能快速因應，不斷招募新的數位科技人才，設立新職務，打造不同以往的新聞產製流程與工作常規。相較於過去，《紐約時報》網站與報紙新聞室之間的關係已經反客為主，從「網路優先」概念進展到「行動優先」，並持續在新聞室中拓展不一樣的新聞工作常規和產製流程，為《紐約時報》新聞室數位化轉型，埋下成功的因子。 / Today, journalists across the organization are hungry to bring about change while facing a vital moment where digitalization has pushed the entire newspaper industry to accelerate transformation. In the past few years, The New York Times, as a pioneer of the American newspaper industry, has tried to change news routines and produce progress that takes advantage of today’s changing media landscape. In light of the importance of digitalization, this case study takes a historical approach to analyze the digitalization of The New York Times newsroom from 1996 to 2016, as well as other endeavors, in order to provide a framework of the newspaper’s news routines during the digitalization era. The analysis framework is composed into three periods of time: 1996-1999, 2000-2007, and 2008-2016. This study concludes that as The New York Times is uniquely well-positioned to transform itself quickly, it buried the traditional news routines of print newspaper and moved forward to make digital progress as soon as possible. Their digital-first strategy is still ongoing, and, as a result, this report shows that The New York Times has played a vital role in a changing world and has brought about different types of digital progress.

This Master's thesis is analyzing the media portrait of Mexican president Enrique Peña Nieto in two American newspapers - The New York Times and Los Angeles Times. In this thesis, you can find the quantitative and the qualitative analysis of the image of Mexican president in the newspapers since his election in 2012 until the end of 2017. Peña Nieto is a member of Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI) which was in power from 1929 till 2000. Peña Nieto is the first president after 12 years break who brought this party back to power. American presidential elections also took place during his administration and Barack Obama was replaced by Donald Trump. The thesis focus on three topics which are for many years the most critical parts of the U.S.-Mexican relationship: illegal immigration, the war on drugs and NAFTA. The analysis shows that Peña Nieto's image is portrayed in two opposite ways depends on the topic. He is presented as a competent leader in the questions of illegal immigration and NAFTA renegotiation. On the other, his leadership failed in the matter of drug issues in Mexico. The analysis also shows that Peña Nieto's image in the NY Times and the LA Times changed after Donald Trump's victory in the presidential elections. The difference of his image between the NY Times and the LA Times...

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