EditorialThe text doesn't have an abstract / El texto no presenta resumen

Final ConclusionsThe article doesn´t have an abstract / El artículo no presenta resumen

Funerary ritual in San Pedro de Atacama: evidence for Tiwanaku interment?Given the homogeneous nature of mortuary practices among the Prehispanic residents of San Pedro de Atacama, Chile, atypical graves have been interpreted as evidence for foreigners buried among the local dead in San Pedro cemeteries. This study reexamines graves generally attributed to colonizers from Tiwanaku (AD 500-1000). Emphasizing contexts with gold and silver, detailed comparison is made between the mortuary practices of San Pedro and Tiwanaku. These analyses and data coincide in challenging the efficacy of the colonization model, and support instead the model of indirect Tiwanaku presence that Berenguer (1998) termed "clientage". Confirmation of Tiwanaku tombs similar to the San Pedro graves is lacking, given the importance of Tiwanaku pottery in altiplano tombs, in comparison with the placement of individual Tiwanaku objects in San Pedro graves that otherwise contain only objects of local origin, as well as the possibility that gold and silver objects found in San Pedro graves came from places other than Tiwanaku, it is premature to assign Tiwanaku identity to San Pedro's atypical tombs. / Dada la homogeneidad de las prácticas funerarias de los habitantes prehispánicos de San Pedro de Atacama, Chile, los entierros de carácter excepcional han sido interpretados como producto de la presencia de individuos foráneos en la zona. El presente trabajo retoma los casos y objetos típicamente asociados a la colonización tiwanaku (entre 500 y 1000 d.C.), y poniendo énfasis sobre todo en los contextos con oro y plata, hace una comparación detallada entre los patrones funerarios sanpedrinos y tiwanaku. Los datos presentados coinciden para rechazar el modelo colonizador y apoyan al modelo indirecto de presencia tiwanaku de "clientelaje" (Berenguer 1998). Se establece que, dada la escasez de información sobre prácticas funerarias estatales, la importancia de la cerámica en los entierros altiplánicos recuperados cuando los ejemplos sanpedrinos carecen de la misma, la incorporación casi exclusiva del material cultural tiwanaku en contextos de carácter local y la posibilidad de que los objetos de oro puedan proceder de otros lugares no basta para confirmar una identidad tiwanaku a estos entierros excepcionales.

Tiwanaku in Moquegua: The Altiplano ColoniesInvestigations in Moquegua demonstrate two distinct waves of Middle Horizon colonization by altiplano settlers. Both Tiwanaku colonies allowed and ultimately replaced the Huaracane tradition, a substantial indigenous Formative occupation in the middle Moquegua valley. Tiwanaku site locations, settlement patterns, mortuary and domestic traditions, and skeletal biology differ significantly from those of Huaracane, indicating distinct origins and ethnicity. Within the Moquegua Tiwanaku colonies, settlements of two distinct groups are distinguished by assemblages of Omo style and the Chen Chen style ceramics. The Omo style Tiwanaku settlers arrived first, but distinct villages using each style coexisted throughout the valley for centuries. These appear to represent colonists from distinct ethnicities or moieties within the Tiwanaku culture. Tiwanaku colonists maintained their highland identities in all aspects of domestic, mortuary and ritual practices through ayllu level social organization. The more substantial Chen Chen style colony also introduced provincial political organization, demonstrated by new infrastructure for surplus maize cultivation and the construction of a Tiwanaku style temple structure at the Omo site. / Las investigaciones en Moquegua han demostrado la presencia de dos diferentes oleadas de colonización tiwanaku provenientes del altiplano durante el Horizonte Media. Ambas colonias tiwanaku siguieron y, por último, reemplazaron a la tradición Huaracane, una sustancial ocupación indígena del Periodo Formativo en el valle medio de Moquegua. Las ubicaciones de los sitios, patrones de asentamiento, tradiciones funerarias y domésticas, y biología ósea tiwanaku difieren significativamente de aquellos huaracane, indicando orígenes y etnicidad distintos. Dentro de las colonias tiwanaku en Moquegua se distinguían los asentamientos de dos grupos distintos sobre la base de la cerámica de los estilos Omo y Chen Chen. Los colonos tiwanaku del estilo Omo llegaron primero, pero diversas aldeas, usando cada estilo, coexistieron a través del valle por siglos. Esto parece representar a colonias provenientes de diversas etnias o parcialidades dentro de la cultura Tiwanaku. Los colonos tiwanaku mantuvieron sus identidades altiplánicas en todos los aspectos de sus prácticas domésticas, funerarias y rituales a través de un nivel de organización tipo ayllu. La colonia más sustancial, del estilo Chen Chen, también introdujo una organización política provincial, la cual se demuestra a través de una nueva infraestructura para el cultivo de excedentes de maíz y la construcción de un templo del estilo Tiwanaku en el sitio Omo.

EditorialThe text doesn't have an abstract / El texto no presenta resumen

Cerro Baul: A Wari Enclave Interacting with TiwanakuWari expansion to the extreme south of Peru is a phenomenon whose study began 20 years ago, with the discovery of a great arquitectonic complex at Cerro Baul. The excavations undertaken in the last 3 years have revealed that Cerro Baul was more than a military fortress; it was the most important political and religious center that Wari established in the only region where there is direct evidence of interaction with Tiwanaku, the altiplano state that established its colonial center in the middle Moquegua Valley. Based on the twelve radiocarbon dates from Cerro Baul, we can affirm that this interaction was maintained for over 200 years, a time that included periods of tension and others of cooperation.The current work analyzes the relations that the Wari colony on Cerro Baul maintained with its capital located in the Department of Ayacucho. Therefore, we document the characteristics of the monumental and domestic architecture and establish their relationship to forms found in Ayacucho. We also analyze the irrigation technology implemented by Wari in the zone and compare it with the agricultural techniques utilized prior to Wari expansion in Ayacucho and in Moquegua. Precedents for the irrigation technology in the Cerro Baul region are present in Ayacucho, but are not found in Moquegua. Both lines of evidence indicate that contacts between Cerro Baul and the capital were very strong, a position which is also supported by the extensive exchange of prestige goods. Apparently, the Moquegua colony articulated the Wari state's policies for interacting with the Tiwanaku neighbors. / La expansión wari hacia el extremo sur del Perú es un fenómeno cuyo estudio ha comenzado en los últimos 20 años, con el descubrimiento de un gran complejo arquitectónico en Cerro Baúl. Las excavaciones realizadas en los últimos tres años han revelado que Cerro Baúl, más que una fortaleza, fue un centro político y religioso wari muy importante, establecido como enclave en una región donde resulta evidente una directa interacción con Tiwanaku, el estado altiplánico que colonizó el valle medio del Osmore. En base a 12 fechados radiocarbónicos, se puede deducir que esta interacción se habría mantenido por un lapso aproximado de 200 años, tiempo en el cual habrían existido momentos de tensión y otros de cooperación.EI presente trabajo analiza las relaciones que tenía la colonia wari de Cerro Baúl con su capital, ubicada en el departamento de Ayacucho. Para tal fin se han documentado las características de la arquitectura -doméstica y monumental- y se han establecido sus relaciones con formas encontradas en Ayacucho y en otros centros regionales. También se ha analizado la tecnología de riego implementada por Wari en la zona y comparado con la tecnología agrícola de Ayacucho, notando claras similitudes con ésta y fuertes contrastes con la que había antes de la ocupación wari en Moquegua. Ambas líneas de evidencia indican que los contactos entre Cerro Baúl y la capital eran intensos, lo cual se observa también en el intercambio de bienes de prestigio, notándose que fue la colonia de Moquegua la que mantuvo los lineamientos de la política del Estado Wari en su interacción con Tiwanaku.

Chronology, Identity, Urbanism and State in the Central and South Central Andes between V and X Centuries AD: Some Final ConclusionsThe article doesn´t have an abstract / El artículo no presenta resumen

<p>Archaeology in Bolivia has two strong tendencies: nationalism and regionalism. The proposal aims for an academic reconstruction and expansion of this science in order to develop new scientific criteria, that can be institutionalized and become normative to the whole country to cover the expectations of different regions with regard to its past.</p><p>A fundamental aspect of providing Bolivian archaeological research with new perspectives is the study of formation and development of Andean central places of historic, infrastructural and ritual importance, such Huari, Quillacas, Sevaruyo, Pampa Aullagas and San Miguel de Uruquilla. Research conducted in the south basin of the Lake Poopo identifies evidence of early settlement in Huari towards the Late Archaic period (approximately 4000 to 2000 BC) and the Formative (2000 BC to AD 300), when the first villages were established. This indicates that the formation of agricultural towns was produced by consolidation of multiethnic central places that first consisted of ayllus, socio-dynamic units that gathered together settlers from different regions that simultaneously formed an ample network of centres interconnecting the Andean complex geography, interweaving their cultural diversity owing to the common ideology of Tiwanaku. Routes and llama caravans (llama trekking) integrated this network of central places.</p><p>As indicated by surveys and excavations, convergence of groups from different regions has been recognized in rests of material culture as shown in the ceramic distribution: Local Tiwanaku, Tiwanaku from Cochabamba, Yura, Huruquilla, Puqui, Mojocoya and remains of festivities at the centres during redistribution ceremonies, as well as ritual offers during the Early Regional Development period (300 to AD 900). This dynamic and preponderant ideology was completely transformed during Late Regional Developments (900 to AD 1460) when a series of regional conflicts determined the formation of the regional confederation known as Quillacas- Azanaques. At the time of the Inka Conquest (1460– AD 1530), the Lake Poopo basin was integrated into the Tawantinsuyo region through the implementation of the Royal Road and construction of Paria, Quillacas, San Miguel de Uruquilla and the Sevaruyo lodgings.</p><p>During the Colonial (1530 - 1825) and Republican periods (1825 - ), the Spaniards made changes that imply a deterioration of the socio-political structures of the ayllus, its territorial fragmentation and creation of new reductions for mining operations.</p><p>Recent archaeological research supports the proposition that populated centres in the Andean region of Bolivia were adapted to take advantage of the ecological variability through the social construction of the ayllu and the markas, centres that maintain dynamics, fluctuants and confluence in productive and ritual places.</p>

Archaeology in Bolivia has two strong tendencies: nationalism and regionalism. The proposal aims for an academic reconstruction and expansion of this science in order to develop new scientific criteria, that can be institutionalized and become normative to the whole country to cover the expectations of different regions with regard to its past. A fundamental aspect of providing Bolivian archaeological research with new perspectives is the study of formation and development of Andean central places of historic, infrastructural and ritual importance, such Huari, Quillacas, Sevaruyo, Pampa Aullagas and San Miguel de Uruquilla. Research conducted in the south basin of the Lake Poopo identifies evidence of early settlement in Huari towards the Late Archaic period (approximately 4000 to 2000 BC) and the Formative (2000 BC to AD 300), when the first villages were established. This indicates that the formation of agricultural towns was produced by consolidation of multiethnic central places that first consisted of ayllus, socio-dynamic units that gathered together settlers from different regions that simultaneously formed an ample network of centres interconnecting the Andean complex geography, interweaving their cultural diversity owing to the common ideology of Tiwanaku. Routes and llama caravans (llama trekking) integrated this network of central places. As indicated by surveys and excavations, convergence of groups from different regions has been recognized in rests of material culture as shown in the ceramic distribution: Local Tiwanaku, Tiwanaku from Cochabamba, Yura, Huruquilla, Puqui, Mojocoya and remains of festivities at the centres during redistribution ceremonies, as well as ritual offers during the Early Regional Development period (300 to AD 900). This dynamic and preponderant ideology was completely transformed during Late Regional Developments (900 to AD 1460) when a series of regional conflicts determined the formation of the regional confederation known as Quillacas- Azanaques. At the time of the Inka Conquest (1460– AD 1530), the Lake Poopo basin was integrated into the Tawantinsuyo region through the implementation of the Royal Road and construction of Paria, Quillacas, San Miguel de Uruquilla and the Sevaruyo lodgings. During the Colonial (1530 - 1825) and Republican periods (1825 - ), the Spaniards made changes that imply a deterioration of the socio-political structures of the ayllus, its territorial fragmentation and creation of new reductions for mining operations. Recent archaeological research supports the proposition that populated centres in the Andean region of Bolivia were adapted to take advantage of the ecological variability through the social construction of the ayllu and the markas, centres that maintain dynamics, fluctuants and confluence in productive and ritual places.

Thesis (B.A.)--University of Wisconsin -- La Crosse, 2009. / Also available online. Includes bibliographical references (p. 37-38).