In relationships between men and women, women are still more likely than men to take family leave and reduce work hours after the birth of their first child. This results in economic changes between partners at the transition to parenthood. Gendered changes in income may impact relationship dynamics within couples and contribute to the elevated risk of intimate partner violence (IPV) seen at this time. Previous research has linked both relative and absolute income to IPV; however, it is unlikely that income directly impacts IPV. For this reason, the current study explored potential mediators of the relationship between income and IPV such as decision-making power (i.e., the ability to influence another person’s opinions and decisions) and quality of alternatives (i.e., the availability of options outside of the current relationship) by following 196 first time parents across four timepoints (the third trimester of pregnancy, one year, two years, and four years postpartum). Multilevel modelling was used to test whether decision-making power mediates the relationship between relative income and IPV and whether quality of alternatives mediates the relationship between absolute income and IPV. Despite low base rates of physical IPV, findings indicated that at times when the gender wage gap within couples was smaller, overall levels of physical violence within the relationship were reduced. However, at times when the gender wage gap was smaller women’s psychological IPV perpetration increased. There were mixed findings regarding decision-making power and quality of alternatives as mediators of the relationship between income and IPV. Implications for the current conceptualization of the link between income and power are discussed. / Graduate

The restructuring of roles, responsibilities, and relationships that occurs during the transition to parenthood brings both rewards and challenges to first-time mothers (Bartholomew, Schoppe-Sullivan, Glassman, Dush, & Sullivan, 2012; Horowitz & Damato, 1999) and is often characterized as a time of parental stress (Crnic & Low, 2002; Deater-Deckard, 1998; Leigh & Milgrom, 2008). To effectively manage this stress, first-time mothers must feel a sense of social support (Crnic, Greenberg, Ragozin, Robinson, & Basham, 1983; Cutrona, 1984; Gao, Chan, & Mao, 2009; McDaniel, Coyne, Holmes, 2012; Nakagawa, Teti, & Lamb, 1992). In today's technology-driven era, this essential sense of support may be conveniently achieved through social media.Currently, research on the ability for social media platforms to increase perceptions of social support and, therefore, decrease parental stress among first-time mothers presents varied conclusions (see Bartholomew et al, 2012; McDaniel et al., 2012). The purpose of this paper, therefore, is to propose variables that may explain these results. Specifically, it analyzes how both active production and passive consumption of social media influence perceptions of social support and parental stress in first-time mothers. The results reveal that for first-time mothers, production on social media can lead to increased social media–based feedback, which can then lead to increased perceptions of appraisal support. Passive consumption of social media content neither increases nor decreases perceptions of social support.

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My dissertation examines couples’ transition to first-time parenthood, and how this experience varies by social class. More specifically, the design of this project is a qualitative comparison of two data collection points, which examines how couples of two different social class groups divide and manage housework before the birth of their first child, and how they manage the same housework (as well as the additional work of childrearing) six to nine months post-birth. With these concerns in mind, the primary question driving this research project is: do marriages become more gendered after the birth of a couple's first child, and if so, how does this experience differ by social class? The specific aims of the research are to identify if and how marriages become gendered after the birth of a couple’s first child. This study also seeks to identify and understand the disjuncture between what participants say versus what they do with regard to the completing of housework and parenting approaches. Research findings demonstrate how some couples’ marriages became more or less gendered, and how some marriages remained more gender-neutral, largely depended on the intersection of their gender repertoires and their social class position. Specifically, every household’s configuration of their access to social resources, availability of social support, their occupational (in)flexibility, and the pre-existing, gendered dynamics between husbands and wives directly and indirectly influenced their transitions to parenthood. Many middle and upper-middle class participants had the material and social resources which interacted with their gender repertoires and assisted them in achieving their desired post-birth outcomes. For most of these households, their new lives as parents involved a more gender-neutral distribution of housework and childrearing, and nearly all middle and upper-middle class mothers returned to paid employment after maternity leave. For most lower-middle class participants, however, the limitations in their educational attainment levels, annual household incomes, and social networks interacted with their gender repertoires in ways that posed constraints to their transition to parenthood, and their ability to achieve their desired post-birth, work-family balance. Financial restrictions and the unaffordability of childcare affected some lower-middle-class mothers’ abilities to return to paid employment, despite their initial intention of doing so. For some lower-middle class fathers, their occupational inflexibility constrained their abilities to spend more time with their families. The variation in gender repertoires between lower-middle, middle, and upper-middle class participants, resulted in differentials in how couples were able to respond to the changes and challenges of becoming parents. / Sociology

Este trabalho investigou o desenvolvimento da relação coparental e conjugal durante o processo de transição para a parentalidade, no contexto da reprodução assistida. Realizou-se um estudo de caso coletivo longitudinal. Três casais responderam a entrevistas individuais semiestruturadas em três momentos: (a) a gestação (b) após o terceiro mês de vida do bebê e (c) após o primeiro ano do bebê. Os dados foram submetidos a uma análise narrativa, que enfocou tanto as particularidades de cada casal, como suas semelhanças. Sugere-se a existência de um processo de diferenciação crescente da relação do casal, que passa a englobar coparentalidade e conjugalidade. Propõe-se que, no contexto da reprodução assistida, considere-se o período do tratamento como marco inicial da relação coparental. Destaca-se a necessidade de considerar a história do casal, sua experiência da infertilidade e do tratamento, suas relações com a família de origem e sua configuração familiar na compreensão desse processo. / This study investigated the development of the marital and the coparental relationships during the transition to parenthood, in couples who conceived trough assisted reproduction techniques. A collective longitudinal case study was carried out. Three couples answered individual semi-structured interviews during three moments: (a) pregnancy, (b) after baby’s third month, and (c) after baby’s first year. The data were submitted to a narrative analysis, which focused both the particularities of each couple and the similarities between them. It has been identified a process in which couples’ relationships became more differentiated and divided into marital and coparental relationships. It is proposed that in couples who conceive through assisted reproduction, the treatment should be considered as a milestone of coparenthood beginning. It is also highlighted the need to consider the couple’s history, their infertility and treatment experience, the relationships with their families of origin, and their family form to understand this relationship development process.

Coparenting emerges across the transition to parenthood and refers to the way individuals coordinate, support each other in their parental roles and share responsibility in childrearing. Despite the increase in research on coparenting, relatively few studies have focused on non- North American or non-European families, which has hindered practice and policy targeting diverse countries. Likewise, qualitative research on coparenting is relatively rare, yet critical to shed light on details and complexities not well captured by other methods, including insights into sociocultural factors linked to coparenting in distinct contexts. Moreover, a qualitative longitudinal approach is particularly well suited to examine important life course transitions and turning points, such as the transition to parenthood. To address these gaps, we investigated coparenting across the transition to parenthood in South-Brazilian families, using a qualitative, longitudinal, multiple case study. Semi-structured, face-to-face interviews were conducted with 12 first-time mother and fathers (six nuclear families altogether), at 6, 12, and 18 months postpartum (36 interviews altogether). In two families only the father was employed, with the mother caring for the child; in two families both parents were employed, and they hired a nanny to care for the child in their home; and, in two families both parents were employed, and the child started attending daycare at the end of maternity leave. Through the two articles that comprise the current doctoral dissertation, we explored three components of Feinberg’s (2003) coparenting framework: division of labor (how parents divide childcare tasks and household chores, as well as their satisfaction with this division); agreement/disagreement (e.g., regarding children’s emotional needs and discipline); and, support/undermining (appreciation and cooperation, or criticism and competition). The first article is focused on the division of labor, whereas the second is focused on agreement/disagreement and support/undermining. Deductive thematic analysis revealed similarities and singularities between families. As presented in the first article, we found weaker sharing of household chores over time, against greater sharing of childcare tasks during the first few days postpartum, followed by a downward tendency in the fathers’ contributions during the first few months postpartum. This more unequal division of labor remained stable over time only for families who had chosen maternal care, changing after the end of maternity leave for families who had chosen nanny care and daycare. Parental satisfaction regarding the division of labor remained relatively high over time only for families who had chosen nanny care, which suggests that counting on a domestic worker since the beginning of the transition to parenthood contributed to preventing parental feelings of overload or unfairness across the transition to parenthood. Findings were discussed in the 10 light of the role that instrumental and social support, as well as the prevailing Brazilian gender norms, may play in the division of labor for new parents. With respect to the second article, our findings showed that agreement among parents remained relatively stable during the first year, whereas disagreements concerning discipline demanded more parental negotiation as infants advanced toward toddlerhood. Support and undermining coexisted in the same families, although mothers and fathers expressed undermining differently. Aspects of the ecological context, such as family of origin, instrumental and social support, as well as labor market, also appeared to influence coparenting agreement/disagreement and support/ undermining. Following each article, we presented strengths, limitations, suggestions for future research, as well as implications for practice (e.g., counseling) and policy (e.g., childcare arrangements and parental leave).

Background: Consensual non-monogamous couples (CNMCs) are viewed less favourably than their heteromononormative counterparts by the general population and by healthcare providers. Research indicates that they are less likely to seek health care and are at greater risk for STIs and HIV. This stigma and judgment perceived by CNMCs can be even further compounded when these couples choose to have a child. No study to date has looked at consensual non-monogamous parenting couples (CNMPCs) during the transition to parenthood. The aim of the present study was to explore Manitoban CNMCs’ perceptions of the conciliation between their parenting role and their sexual lifestyle during the transition to parenthood. Methodology: This mixed methods descriptive, exploratory study used a triangulation design-convergence model. Six participants identifying as CNMCs during the transition to parenthood were interviewed using a semi-structured interview guide as well as completing an online questionnaire. Results: The participants in this sample experienced challenges in regard to their transition to parenthood as many other parents do, yet this transition was more harmonious for some participants compared to others. Consensual non-monogamy (CNM) was a sexual lifestyle chosen either before or during this transition. However, the lifestyle did stop during conception and pregnancy, and was resumed several months after childbirth. Relationship breakdown may occur, but not necessarily associated with CNM. The conciliation of parenting and sexual roles is facilitated when communication and intimacy are present between partners. Participants emphasized the importance of family before their chosen sexual lifestyle. The relationship with health care providers is critical for participants of CNM as it impacts how they seek health care or disclose their lifestyle. This is more important during the transition to parenthood as more challenges can be present. Three phases that CNMCs pass through were also identified, contemplation, acting and incorporation, to integrate CNM as a lifestyle. Discussion: These findings permitted a closer look at the conciliation of the parenting role and the sexual lifestyle of CNMPCs during their transition to parenthood. These findings demonstrated not only how CNMPCs were similar and different from participants in other studies, but also highlighted how they were uniquely distinct. This distinction appears to stem from a certain resilience gained from the three phases of the incorporation of CNM as a lifestyle that appears to buffer these couples in situations of stress. A new proposed model, CNMPCs’ Model of Resilience during the Incorporation of CNM as a Lifestyle While Parenting, is suggested. There is a need for more psychosexual education for perinatal nurses in regard to sexuality minorities such as CNMPCs in the context of the transition to parenthood.