Esta dissertação consiste na análise da evolução da política de segurança do governo colombiano entre 2008 e 2016 para lidar com as FARC, conjuntamente com a análise da evolução das preferências de atores políticos domésticos e internacionais que compuseram uma representação da sociedade colombiana e de suas relações internacionais em momentos-chave desta transição. As preferências destes atores foram agrupadas em tipos ideais: a favor da exclusividade do combate militar ou de negociações que, informalmente reunidas, formam coalizões multiníveis em prol de uma ou outra diretriz. O objetivo foi identificar qual sustentação política possibilitou uma ruptura na política de segurança colombiana antes exclusivamente voltada ao combate e que se direcionou para o início de negociações dado que, diferentemente das duas rupturas anteriores, esta não foi resultado de uma escolha direta da população nas eleições presidenciais. A hipótese sustentada na pesquisa é que mudanças contextuais ocorreram simultaneamente nos âmbitos doméstico e internacional e que ambas foram igualmente necessárias para o sucesso desta transição. Estas mudanças contextuais geraram também uma mudança de narrativa da promoção da imagem da Colômbia como um Estado frágil para a de um país em franco desenvolvimento. A contribuição a que esta pesquisa se propõe é romper a barreira de análise destes dois âmbitos tratados na literatura primordialmente de forma cindida, impondo um empecilho para a compreensão desta política que é simultaneamente doméstica e internacional, impedindo uma maior compreensão dos mecanismos causais da sua evolução. Esta análise simultânea permitiu identificar um descompasso entre o entusiasmo internacional com a negociação e um cenário doméstico polarizado com preferências conflitantes. Os elementos que a pesquisa encontra como determinantes para esta transição são que este conflito, que fora intensamente internacionalizado, ter passado por um processo de \"renacionalização\" e também de estagnação em um confronto de baixa intensidade, redistribuindo os custos e os pesos dos atores politicamente determinantes. Em relação aos atores políticos, a pesquisa identifica que foram necessários para a transição: o presidente colombiano e as FARC, o Congresso colombiano, EUA e Venezuela. O apoio direto da mídia, da opinião pública e da União Europeia não teriam sido necessários, mas são importantes para a consistência política e para o sucesso na implementação da negociação e do processo transicional. / This work is an analysis of how the Colombian security policy to deal with FARC evolved between 2008 and 2016 and an analysis of how evolved the preferences of domestic and international political actors that composed a representation of the Colombian society and its international relations around key moments of this transition. The preferences of those actors were grouped in two ideal types: in favor of the military combat versus those favoring negotiations. Informally united, those actors formed multilevel coalitions in favor of one of those preferences. The goal was to identify which was the political support that enabled a radical change in the Colombian security policy from the military combat to negotiation considering that, differently from the two preceding political changes, this was not the result of a direct popular choice through presidential elections. The hipotesis sustained in this research is that contextual changes happened both in the domestic and international spheres and that both were necessary to enable this policy transition. Those contextual evolutions also generated the change of the main Colombian political narrative, from the promotion of the Colombian image as a fragile State to the one of a country in full development. This work contributes to break the analytical barrier between the domestic and international spheres, treated mostly as separated parts in the academy, which constitutes a barrier to the comprehension of this policy that is simultaneously domestic and international, demanding a double level analysis to understand its causal mechanisms. This simultaneous analysis enabled the identification of a large imbalance among the constant international enthusiasm and many conflicting preferences at the polarized domestic sphere. The factors that the research finds as determinant to this transition were the fact that this conflict that was intensely internationalized passed by a process of \'renationalization\' and by a process of stagnation at a low intensety confrontation redistributing the operational and political costs and also the relative relevance of the intervening political actors. Regarding these political actors, the research identified that the Presidency, FARC, Colombian congress, USA and Venezuela were necessary to the policy transition. The direct support from the Colombian population, the media and the European Union were not necessary, but were important to the political consistency and will be crucial to the success of the transitional process.

How, if at all, should we remember the histories of injustice and atrocity that haunt most modern states? Since World War II, it has become commonplace to suggest that properly responding to injustices requires societies to remember them, and to remember the experiences of those they touched. But what specific value might memory in this sense constitute in or contribute to the lives and societies of those coping with troubled history? This question raises two issues. The first is ontological: what does it mean to say that a society should remember in the first place? Is it to say that the individuals who make up society should each privately remember, or is to say that the society as a whole should somehow create or maintain a collective memory that is not reducible to the sum of individual cognitive processes? The second issue is normative: what exactly can memory so conceived do to ameliorate the undesirable legacies that historical injustices leaves on the world? How might remembering help us to move forward, or help us to lessen the pains we can’t leave behind? This study takes on both of these issues. On the first, I suggest that when we speak of societies remembering, we’re speaking of irreducibly social processes, by which individual memories are translated into publicly available traces of the past, which can then inform recollection by others, perhaps at some distance from the original event. On the second, I suggest that this sort of remembering can be valuable in the wake of injustice as a way of combating the legacies of persistent harm and exclusion that sometimes follow victims long after an injustice is over, and challenge their abilities to stand, participate, and identify as full members of the political community. Memory in this sense is crucial for re-negotiating the boundaries of membership, and for rebuilding a more inclusive public world.

United States agriculture is continuing to shift toward organic production techniques to align with consumer demand, yet organic products make up an insignificant portion of the food market. This disparity has been examined via consumer willingness to pay for organic products and research on the costs and benefits of organic operations; however, little has been investigated about a potential transitional organic market. In shifting from conventional to organic agriculture there is a substantial transition phase of at least three years, during which producers cannot label their products as USDA organic. This research therefore examines consumer willingness to pay for transitional organic produce based on a Lane County representative adult population (n = 200). Results of the conjoint choice stated preference survey suggest that there exists a viable market for transitional organic products, revealing systematic heterogeneity in preferences for produce labeled as transitional USDA organic.

As transições para a democracia ocorridas entre 1974 e 1990 marcaram a Terceira Onda de democratização, incluindo países de todo o mundo. No início dos anos 1980 a onda democrática se deslocou para a América Latina, com o fim de regimes militares de diversos países da região, nos quais uma junta militar ou generais se revezavam no poder. Dentre eles está Argentina, Brasil, Chile e Uruguai. Com as novas democracias que emergiram nas décadas de 1980 e 1990, surgiram estudos sobre a transição dos regimes autoritários para o regime democrático, dividindo o processo em duas etapas: a primeira envolvendo a criação ou recriação de instituições democráticas e a segunda atrelada à consolidação da democracia e seu funcionamento, envolvendo o apoio da população à democracia, bem como diversas atitudes, valores e crenças no âmbito político que estão intimamente ligados ao envolvimento dos indivíduos com a vida pública. Além disso, levantou-se a questão de como lidar com as consequências do passado autoritário, seus legados (não só institucionais, mas culturais) e os desafios para a construção e consolidação da democracia. Neste bojo está a discussão sobre Justiça de Transição, a qual diz respeito à justiça em períodos de mudança política, e que engloba diversas ações das quais se pode lançar mão para tratar o legado deixado pelos regimes ditatoriais. Considerando isso, busca-se entender como a justiça de transição pode contribuir para fomentar a valorização da democracia pós-autoritarismo, voltando-se para os instrumentos adotados nos processos. Desse modo, o objetivo do presente estudo é analisar os instrumentos de justiça de transição enquanto iniciativas que possibilitam a consolidação da democracia, à luz da Cultura Política, partindo da hipótese de que processos de Justiça de Transição afetam a cultura política, contribuindo positivamente para a construção de uma cultura política que valoriza a democracia em detrimento do autoritarismo. / The transitions to democracy that happened from 1974 to 1990 in countries of all the continents are considered part of the so-called Third Wave of democratization. In the early 1980s, the democratic wave shifted to Latin America, ending several military regimes in the region, in which military juntas or generals took turns in power. Among these countries are Argentina, Brazil, Chile, and Uruguay. These new democracies that emerged in the 1980s and 1990s made several studies surface on the theme of transition from authoritarian to democratic regimes, and these studies split the process into two stages: first the creation or re-creation of democratic institutions; and second the consolidation of democracy. Democracy's functioning, therefore, involves the support of the population to democracy, as well as diverse attitudes, values, and beliefs in the political sphere, which are closely linked to the involvement of individuals in public life. In addition, a question that often arose from it is the one of how to deal with the consequences of this authoritarian past, its legacies (not only institutional but also cultural) and the challenges to the construction and consolidation of democracy. Therefore, it is necessary to discuss Transitional Justice, which concerns justice in periods of political change, encompassing several actions that can be used to deal with the legacy left by dictatorial regimes. Considering this, it is sought to understand how transitional justice can contribute to fostering a political culture of valorizing post-authoritarian democracies, from the instruments adopted in the processes. Thus, the aim of this study is to analyze the instruments of transitional justice as initiatives that allow the consolidation of democracy in the light of Political Culture, starting from the hypothesis that Transitional Justice processes affect the political culture, contributing positively to the construction of a political culture that values democracy at the expense of authoritarianism.

Metástases para a região oral podem ocorrer nos tecidos moles ou nos ossos maxilares. Tumores metastáticos para a cavidade oral são raros, compreendendo aproximadamente 1% das neoplasias encontradas na região oral. Devido à sua raridade, o diagnóstico de uma lesão metastática na região oral é difícil; tanto para o clínico como para o patologista, ao reconhecer que uma lesão é metastática e na determinação do local de origem. Foram revisados 9 casos sendo 5 mulheres e 4 homens com idades entre 57 e 80 anos e realizada uma crítica revisão da literatura. No presente estudo não foi possível determinar a prevalência das metástases para os ossos maxilares ou para os tecidos moles da cavidade oral; Entretanto, nosso estudo mostra que o exame das estruturas orais é absolutamente fundamental no acompanhamento desses pacientes, pois a presença de possíveis massas metastáticas pode indicar uma neoplasia oculta ou mesmo a falha terapêutica. / Metastasis to the oral region may occur in the soft tissue or jaw bone. Metastatic tumors to the oral cavity are rare, comprising about 1% of neoplasms found in the oral region. Because of its rarity, the diagnosis of a metastatic lesion in the oral region is difficult; both for the clinician and for the pathologist to recognize that an injury is metastatic and determination of the place of origin. 9 cases with 5 women and 4 men aged between 57 and 80 years and performed a critical review of the literature were reviewed. In the present study could not determine the prevalence of metastasis to the jaw bones or the soft tissues of the oral cavity; However, our study shows that the examination of oral structures is absolutely essential to monitor these patients, because the presence of possible metastatic masses may indicate a hidden cancer or treatment failure.

Nossa preocupação surgiu da necessidade de analisarmos a ordem, (dentro do domínio do icônico), que se estabelece nos sistemas de montagem de feiras e exposições, seus paradigmas e sintagmas, através do ponto de vista perceptivo, informacional, gerador de protótipos e experimentações. Por tratar-se de um ambiente inerentemente efêmero e transitório, as montagens realizadas em eventos tendem a proporcionar ambientes renovados. Em síntese, provocam menor impacto porque os prazos de sua existência são limitados. Removidos dos lugares que ocuparam devolvem-lhes suas condições originais. Logo, é esse o caminho para chegarmos aos usos justapostos e complexos, onde, sociedades cada vez mais industrializadas, exigem a necessidade da ocupação de espaços possibilitando diversas funções, com atividades sazonais e ou eventuais, organizam espaços cada vez mais informatizados, distintos de caráter essencialmente mecânicos e com a qualidade de fazer preservar espaços montados para atividades transitórias, os espaços como complexos portadores de informações e transformados intencionalmente em veículos informacionais. / In the iconic domain, this thesis focuses in analyzing the order that emerges in the erection systems of fairs and exhibits, their syntagmas and corresponding paradigms, under the perspective of perception, information and production, which generates experimentations, models and prototypes. Because the assemblies of several fairs and exhibits are inherently short-term and transitional spaces, they tend to constitute renewed environments. In short, these spaces cause less environmental impact because of their short existence. Once removed, the place they were set returns to its former condition. As demanded by increasingly industrialized societies, this leads to juxtaposed and complex uses, a more diversified occupation of spaces that permit various functions, with eventual and/or regular activities. In this sense, more and more computerized spaces emerge, different from the essentially mechanic ones, and able to carry short-term transitional activities; spaces as complex carriers of information and intentionally transformed into informational vehicles.

Les questions liées à l’applicabilité temporelle du droit de l’Union européenne se posent dès qu’un acte nouveau est adopté par l’Union. Il est systématiquement nécessaire de déterminer l’instant à compter duquel cet acte produit ses effets et les faits alors concernés. L’exigence d’uniformité du droit de l’Union européenne implique, de surcroît, que les réponses à ces questions soient apportées par le droit de l’Union européenne lui-même. En dépit de leur importance, ces questions ont été largement délaissées par la doctrine communautariste. La jurisprudence de la Cour de justice de l’Union européenne et les actes adoptés par l’Union européenne (droit primaire, droit dérivé et accords internationaux) sont pourtant riches d’enseignements. En effet, la Cour de justice a consacré des principes constituant le cadre général de l’applicabilité temporelle du droit de l’Union européenne. Bien que pertinent, ce cadre doit être enrichi par des règles écrites adoptées au cas par cas : les dispositions transitoires. Ces dernières, de prime abord particulièrement critiquables faute d’être aisément identifiables et interprétables, se révèlent être un instrument indispensable à l’applicabilité temporelle du droit de l’Union européenne. / The temporal applicability of the European Union lawThe questions relating to the temporal applicability of the European Union law arise as soon as the European Union adopts a new act. It is systematically necessary to determine the instant from which the act products its effects and the facts to which it applies. Furthermore, the principle of uniformity of the European Union law means that these questions must be answered by the European Union law itself. In spite of their importance these questions have been neglected by the European Union legal literature. Yet the case-law of the European Union Court of Justice and the acts adopted by the European Union (primary law, secondary legislation and international agreements) provide a wealth of information. Indeed, the Court of Justice has established principles which constitute the general framework of the temporal applicability of the European Union law. However relevant, this general framework must be completed by transitionnal provisions, a set of written subsidiary rules adopted on a case-by-case basis). These transitional provisions, at first deeply questionable due to being hard to identify and interpret, turn out to be a critical tool for the temporal applicability of the European Union law.

Les méthodes de Boltzmann sur réseaux (LBM) ont été appliquées avec beaucoup de succès aux écoulements hydrodynamiques en milieux poreux. Cependant, la limitation de ces méthodes aux écoulements hydrodynamiques et isothermes, les rendent insuffisantes pour simuler des écoulements de gaz dans des milieux micro-poreux. Dans ce cas, il est en effet fréquent que le libre parcours moyen des molécules du gaz, soit du même ordre de grandeur que la taille des pores dans lesquels il s’écoule. De tels écoulements ne seront alors plus en régime hydrodynamique, mais dans des régimes qualifiés de glissement et de transitionnel ; régimes pour lesquels les LBM standards ne sont plus valides. D’autre part, le caractère isotherme des LBM les rendent inutilisables, par exemple dans le cas où le gaz subit une détente à travers le milieu. Il est nécessaire, pour décrire de tels écoulements et phénomènes, de se placer au niveau cinétique. La démarche proposée repose sur la décomposition de la fonction de distribution sur la base des polynômes d’Hermite et l’emploi de la quadrature de Gauss-Hermite associée à cette projection. L’aspect systématique de ce développement amène naturellement à considérer divers ordres d’approximation de l’équation de Boltzmann-BGK sous diverses quadratures. Il résulte alors de ces différentes approximations toute une famille de discrétisations de l’équation de Boltzmann-BGK, dont les LBM classiques ne sont qu’un membre. La détermination de l’approximation la plus adaptée est réalisée par analyse systématique des résultats obtenus aux différents ordres d’approximation. Ces méthodes sont testées avec succès dans des cas modèles. / The lattice Boltzmann method (LBM) have been applied very successfully to hydrodynamic flows in porous media. However, the limitation of these methods to isothermal and hydrodynamic flows, make them inadequate to simulate gas flows in micro-porous media. Indeed, in these conditions, the mean free path of the molecules could be of the same magnitude order as the pore size in which gas flows. Such flows will not be in hydrodynamic regime, but in regimes qualified of, slip or transitional ; for which the LBM are no longer valid. On the other hand, the isothermal character of LBM make them unusable, for example, in the case where the gas undergoes expansion through the media. It is then necessary, to take the kinetic point of view to describe such flows and phenomena. The proposed approach is based on the decomposition of the distribution function on the Hermite polynomials basis and the use of Gauss-Hermite quadrature associated with this projection. The systematic nature of this development naturally leads to consider different order of approximation of the Boltzmann-BGK equation in various quadratures. It then follows from these various approximations, a family of discretizations of the Boltzmann-BGK equation, whose classical LBM are a member. Determining the most suitable approximation is achieved by systematic analysis of the results obtained with different approximation orders. These methods are successfully tested in model cases.

This thesis is an ethnography of the practice of property restitution in post-war Kosovo. The site of the largest European Union rule of law mission (EULEX) outside its member states, Kosovo is a paradigmatic case of liberal interventionism and state building under the banner of human rights. The thesis is based on 14 months (May 2012 to July 2013) of multi-sited, ethnographic fieldwork in and around the Kosovo Property Agency (KPA), the administrative, mass claims mechanism put in place by the UN to adjudicate war-related property claims between 2006 and 2016. Working with claimants and respondents, administrative clerks, national and international lawyers, commissioners and Supreme Court judges, this study presents novel insights into the everyday workings of the law from within an institution that remained largely closed to the public eye. I investigate the ways in which property, and property rights were reconfigured in post-war Kosovo through the processing of claims at the KPA. To understand how restitution worked, I probe the practices of technical-legal knowledge production by examining key moments of mass claims adjudication: the reframing of grievances in the language of the law, the making of institutional, legal knowledge, the legal analysis of files, and the implementation of decisions. Through this, I look at the consequences of the juridification of normative ideals (human rights and the rule of law) on the restitution process, its protagonists, and the law itself. My ethnographic material suggests rethinking the value of binary analyses of victims and perpetrators, the universal and the vernacularised, 'law of the books' and 'law in action', the extraordinary and the ordinary, and traces the everyday production of 'rough justice'. Building on current debates in anthropology of law on the bureaucratisation of human rights, transitional justice, and legal practice, my research reveals the tensions between the ideals of human rights that underpin the process of property restitution and the legal and political realities of transition.

O presente trabalho se propõe a uma discussão sobre como pode ser encarada a questão da responsabilidade penal em relação às violações massivas de direitos humanos praticadas durante situações de repressão, considerando o caso brasileiro da edição da Lei n 6.683. Para tanto, apresenta-se o conceito de justiça de transição e o seu surgimento, que é acompanhado pela afirmação da proteção internacional dos direitos humanos. Este processo é dividido em três fases distintas, relacionadas ao fim da Segunda Guerra e o estabelecimento dos Tribunais de Nuremberg e Tóquio; à onda de democratização em algumas nações com o fim da Guerra-Fria e à criação dos tribunais internacionais e do TPI. Como forma de efetivação da justiça de transição, são apresentados os Princípios de Chicago, diretrizes a serem seguidas pelos Estados na transição democrática, que sugerem abordagens de diversas naturezas em relação às violações de direitos humanos. Como fundamento da justiça de transição, dando destaque à questão da responsabilização penal, são trazidos os dispositivos sobre o tema presentes em normas e tratados internacionais, enfatizando os aspectos do Sistema Interamericano de Direitos Humanos. Parte-se, em seguida, à apresentação do exemplo argentino na realização da justiça de transição sob o aspecto da declaração de inconstitucionalidade de suas leis de anistia, como meio de reflexão para o caso brasileiro. Conjugando os elementos anteriores, apresenta-se a situação brasileira no contexto da realização da justiça de transição, com o julgamento da ADPF 153 e com a condenação do Estado pela Corte Interamericana de Direitos Humanos. / This paper proposes a discussion on how it can be given to the issue of accountability in relation to the massive human rights violations committed during times of repression, considering the case of the Brazilian edition of the Law No. 6683. To this end, we present the concept of transitional justice and its appearance, which is accompanied by the statement of the international protection of human rights. This process is divided into three distinct phases, related to the end of World War II and the establishment of the Nuremberg and Tokyo Tribunals, the wave of democratization in some countries with the end of the Cold War and the creation of international tribunals and the ICC. As a way of realization of transitional justice, presents the Chicago Principles, guidelines to be followed by states in democratic transition, suggesting approaches of different nature in relation to human rights violations. In support of transitional justice, highlighting the issue of accountability, the devices are brought on the present subject standards and treaties, emphasizing the inter-American Human Rights. Breaks, then the presentation of the Argentine example in the realization of transitional justice in the aspect of the declaration of unconstitutionality of their amnesty laws as a means of reflection for the Brazilian case. Combining the previous elements, it presents the situation of Brazilian the realization of transitional justice, with the trial of ADPF 153 and the condemnation of State for Inter-American Court of Human Rights.