Magister Legum - LLM

This thesis investigates the role nonpermanent members have on the United Nations Security Council (UNSC). This as the contemporary scholarly debate on the UNSC tends to exclude the nonpermanent members in the study of the only international institution that can bind all UN members under its decisions. Building on the slim literature existing on why states seek the nonpermanent seats, this thesis uses the case of Sweden in order to investigate whether Sweden has met its objectives during its first year on the council. This case also contributes to a broader question of the potential influence nonpermanent members can have on the council. The results of this thesis are in line with the research it is building on, inherited from a liberal strand of international relations, that Sweden has influenced outcomes in line with its objectives and that nonpermanent members can influence the council in terms of resolutions, making them relevant to study in research concerning the UNSC. It also provides additional knowledge to the existing research it is building on by expanding the scope in how nonpermanent members can influence the council, which can be used in future studies.

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The UN Security Council (UNSC) is a crucial international decision-making body that deals with a range of conflicts requiring consideration. However, its formal issue consideration has remained stagnant, with only a few new conflicts being added to the list. This project aims to investigate the conditions under which the Council members opt for informal governance settings instead of formal ones to address global crises and argues that the official UNSC agenda is not solely shaped by the preferences of powerful states but is influenced by the Council's operational methods. To explore this, the project combines two strands of scholarship on informal governance in international organizations and introduces a rational choice framework to analyze the factors influencing governance choices. The study employs a multi-method approach, including a multinomial regression model and a case study analysis of the Rohingya crisis in Myanmar from 2017 to 2022. The findings suggest that member states select the most suitable meeting type based on Council homogeneity, information availability, and issue urgency while considering their preference for formal consideration. The Council's yearly changing membership and fluctuations in information availability prompt states to strategically shift issue consideration between formal and informal, public and private settings. Contrary to criticisms, the Council does not overlook specific crises but often discusses urgent matters informally. Should member states' preference for formal issue consideration align with issue urgency that the Council shifts to formal meetings at the horseshoe table. This project sheds new light on the functioning of the UNSC and contributes novel insight into how member states' meeting choices early in the policy-making process significantly influence agenda-setting and decision-making outcomes. / Political Science

The United Nations Security Council (UNSC) is a place where states can seek international status by campaigning for its ten elected seats. Beginning from this premise, in this dissertation I ask: how do states seek status through their competitions for seats on the UNSC? Drawing on the concerns of IR theorists as well as historians, this is a process-driven question. I am interested in the process of status-seeking, not simply status itself, and I am concerned with the ways that status-seeking has evolved from 1945 to the present in the lifetime of the UN. I understand status as membership in a club embedded in larger hierarchies and examine both the nature of the hierarchies and the responsibilities associated with that membership. Similarly, I take a relational view of status that is predicated on recognition and social closure. While the UN and the UNSC are embodiments of liberal internationalism, they are also embodiments of global and historical imperialism. This imperialism structures the hierarchy under which status-seeking occurs. Status, as membership, comes with shared expectations of behaviour, responsibility, practices, and resources. I argue that status-seeking thus requires relating to these expected behaviours, responsibilities, and practices. Thus, states conduct their campaigns in terms of articulating how they plan to use their status and contribute to the UNSC's (liberal) mandate. By speaking to these liberal responsibilities and the use of status, states are also articulating their relationships to global imperialism at different points in time through the process of status-seeking. In supporting this argument, I examine Canada's nine campaigns to the UNSC in 1946, 1947, 1957, 1966, 1976, 1988, 1998, 2010, and 2020. Using a combination of historical methods (interviews, archival work, policy document analysis), I use a genealogical lens to trace the process of status-seeking in the 20th and 21st centuries.

[pt] Essa dissertação visa analisar o debate referente às tomadas de decisão para as práticas de intervenção humanitária nos anos noventa utilizando instrumentos teóricos provenientes da Filosofia da Linguagem de Wittgenstein. O foco investigativo se direciona aos discursos dos membros do Conselho de Segurança das Nações Unidas (ONU) e como estes, por meio do uso da linguagem, atribuem significados variados aos conceitos centrais que arquitetam o entendimento acerca desta nova prática, ainda sem conceituação formal e jurídica na diplomacia e na academia das relações internacionais. O ponto de partida para a presente análise é a constatação da falta de definição das práticas de intervenção, assim também, a ausência de critérios que qualifiquem os casos de violação de direitos humanos para uma intervenção de caráter humanitário. No entanto, enquanto a maioria dos praticantes e estudiosos de relações internacionais aponta para os efeitos negativos da ausência de definição conceitual da prática, o presente trabalho ressalta a condição natural da indeterminação da linguagem e enfatiza que apenas devido à natureza porosa das palavras e o funcionamento dinâmico e interativo da linguagem novos caminhos de significação às práticas humanas podem ser traçados. / [en] The present work focuses on how the use of language by the Member States of the United Nation´s Security Council during the decision making for humanitarian interventions in the post Cold War period, can come to mean different things in different scenarios. For this job we have used analytical tools concepts from Wittgenstein´s Philosophy of Language, such as language games, in order to investigate the relationship between language and things within the dynamics process of meaning constructing. The investigation space is represented by the Security Council forum and the negotiations of the possibility of interventions and its terms are the main focus of the work. The dissertation starts out by characterizing the practice of humanitarian interventions, and in addition, pointing out the absence of a conceptual definition for its identification. According to the theoretical framework adopted in the present work, language carries within its words a natural open texture when investigated the relationship between words and things, and therefore, meaning can only be constructed within a language game. By following Wittgenstein´s idea of the language games dynamics we can begin to understand how can the same words, such as the main concepts that construct the meaning of the practice of humanitarian interventions, can mean different thing in different contexts, and therefore, start to wonder if a codification of a rule for humanitarian intervention can possibly do more harm then the absence of it.

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Magister Legum - LLM (Public Law and Jurisprudence) / The international human rights architecture experienced a shift from states to individual rights within a state. This is mainly informed by the fact that states committed human rights atrocities against their own civilians. This necessitated a shift from an emphasis on sovereignty and noninterference to intervention on grave human rights violations. Article 2 of the UN Charter calls for respect of sovereignty and discourages the use of armed force against the territorial integrity of any state.1 To reinforce this position, the United Nations (UN) member states adopted the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) doctrine through the UN World Summit outcome document in 2005. This document effectively gave the international community the right to intervene into the affairs of a member state if the state is failing to halt human rights abuses within its territory.

Thesis (MA)--University of Stellenbosch, 2002. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The International Criminal Court (ICC) is an exciting new development in the international system. It is not without its detractors, however, amongst others the United States. The fact that the United States takes a strong stance against the ICC creates uncertainty in the international system. This uncertainty is linked to the role of the United States as the only remaining superpower in this system. The main concern of the United States about the ICC is that an American might be brought before the court in terms of politically motivated charges. To illustrate this concern, the United States offers five basic arguments. These five are condensed into three arguments that form the main body of this thesis. They are the questions related to the jurisdiction of the ICC, the role of the United Nations Security Council in the functioning of the ICC, and the influence that the United States constitution might have on the ICC. Close attention is also paid to the political implications of the stance taken by the United States, both in terms of the specific arguments, and in general. The different arguments are tested against certain criteria, which include the stipulations of the ICC Statute and other counter arguments. From these comparisons, certain evaluations can be made, from which conclusions are drawn. For various reasons, none of the arguments put forward have merit when tested against the stipulations of the ICC Statute. What this implies is that the United States does not have real evidence to back its main concern about the ICC. Even though the possibility exists that an American could be charged before the court, there are sufficient safeguards to protect such a person from actually appearing before the court. The very real political implication then becomes that the United States is undermining its position and relative power in the international system by taking such a unilateral st / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die Internasionale Kriminele Hof (IKH) is 'n opwindende ontwikkeling in die internasionale sisteem. Dit is egter nie sonder opponente nie, wat onder andere die Verenigte State van Amerika insluit. Die feit dat Amerika so sterk standpunt teen die hof inneem, skep onsekerheid in die internasionale sisteem. Die onsekerheid hou verband met Amerika se rol as die enigste oorblywende supermoontheid binne die sisteem. Amerika se hoof besorgdheid met die IKH is dat 'n Amerikaner dalk in terme van polities-gemotiveerde aanklagte voor die hof gedaag sal word. Hierdie besorgdheid word geïllustreer deur vyf basiese argumente wat geopper word. Hierdie argumente word in drie spesifieke argumente wat die basis van die tesis vorm, gefokus. Die argumente is die vrae in terms van die jurisdiksie van die IKH, die rol van die Veiligheidsraad van die Verenigde Nasies in die funksionering van die IKH, en die invloed wat die Amerikaanse grondwet op die IKH het. Daar word ook gekyk na die politieke implikasies van die Amerikaanse standpunt, beide in terme van die spesifieke argumente en in die algemeen. Die verskillende argumente word teen sekere kriteria getoets, wat die stipulasies van die IKH Statuut en ander teenargumente behels. Vanaf hierdie vergelykings kan evaluerings gedoen word, waarvan daar gevolgtrekkings gemaak word. Vir verskeie redes het nie een van die spesifieke argumente meriete as dit teen die bepalings van die IKH Statuut getoets word nie. Dit impliseer dat Amerika nie werklik bewyse vir hul hoof besorgdheid met betrekking tot die IKH het nie. Selfs al is die moontlikheid daar dat 'n Amerikaner wel voor die hof gedaag kan word, is daar voldoende waarborge om so persoon teen 'n verskyning voor die hof te beskerm. Die werklike politieke implikasie is nou dat Amerika sy posisie en relatiewe mag in die internasionale sisteem met sy eensydige standpunt teen die IKH ondermyn. Hierdie punt kan ook verdere uitgebreide implikasies hê.

Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2000. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The end of the Cold War had a profound impact on the qualitative and quantitative nature of the UN's peace and security agenda, representing a shift from traditional peacekeeping to a broader, more ambitious and intrusive notion of peacekeeping. This evolution was marked by an expanded UN engagement in a broad range of intra-state conflicts and characterised by UN undertakings towards aspects of national political and socio-economic reconstruction including the evolution of humanitarian action. Responding to the expanded United Nations agenda for international peace and security and at the request of the UN Security Council (UNSC) Boutros Boutros-Ghali prepared the conceptual foundations of the UN's role in global peace and security in his seminal report, An Agenda for Peace (July, 1992). The Secretary General outlined five inter-connected roles that he projected the UN would play in the fast changing context of post-Cold War international politics, namely: preventive diplomacy, peace enforcement, peacemaking, peacekeeping and post-conflict peacebuilding. The UNSG described the newly defined concept of post-conflict peacebuilding as action organised "(to) foster economic and social co-operation with the purpose of developing the social, political and economic infrastructure to prevent future violence, and laying the foundations for a durable peace." With specific reference to landmines in An Agenda for Peace the UNSG stressed that peacebuilding following civil war and internal strife must address the serious problem of landmines, which remained scattered in present or former combat zones. The UNSG underscored that mine action (demining) should be emphasised in terms of reference of peacekeeping operations which is crucially important in the restoration of activity when peacebuilding is under way. The United Nations involvement in the Mozambican peace process (1992-1995) has been interpreted as the culmination of a major success story in wider peacekeeping in Africa under UN auspices - a category of peace operation, which included peacemaking, peacekeeping, humanitarian assistance, peacebuilding and electoral assistance. Mozambique's peace process has subsequently been cited as a model UN peacekeeping operation which could be adapted to post-conflict situation elsewhere. Within the context of landmines as a threat to post-conflict peacebuilding as articulated by the UNSG in An Agenda for Peace, the study focuses on how the United Nations implemented mine action initiatives in operationalising the concept of peacebuilding in Mozambique. In this context, the study reviews the UN operation in Mozambique (ONUMOZ) and its capacity, responsiveness and vision in implementing mine action initiatives, both in terms of the operational requirements of the ONUMOZ peacekeeping mission and the development oflonger-term humanitarian mine action programmes in Mozambique. To this end, the study views the establishment of a sustainable indigenous mine action capacity as a sine que non for post -conflict peacebuilding. From this perspective, the study interprets the 1999 Mine Ban Treaty Prohibiting the Use, Stockpile, Production and Transfer of Anti-Personnel Mines and on their Destruction and the rights and obligations of Mozambique as a State Party to the Treaty as the most appropriate instrument towards the creation of an indigenous Mozambican mine action capacity to address the long-term effects oflandmines on post-conflict peacebuilding. In terms of methodology the approach was historical-analytical and in essence a deductive method of research was followed. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die einde van die Koue Oorlog het diepgaande verandering teweeggebring ten opsigte van die Verenigde Nasies se vredes en sekuriteits regime ter handhawing van internasionale vrede en sekuriteit. Hierdie periode is gekenmerk deur 'n skerp toename in intra-staatlike konflikte en gevolglik in die kwalitatiewe en kwantitatiewe aard en omvang van Verenigde Nasies vredesoperasies in terme van die VN Handves. Ten einde die verantwoordelikhede van die Verenigde Nasies met betrekking tot die handhawing van vrede en sekuriteit in die snel - veranderende konteks van die post - Koue Oorlog periode aan te spreek, het die Sekretaris - Generaal van die Verenigde Nasies, Boutros Boutros - Gali, in opdrag van die Veiligheidsraad die konseptuele fundering van die VN se rol verwoord in sy pioniersverslag - Agenda vir Vrede (1992). In sy verslag van Julie 1992 identifiseer en omskryf die Sekretaris-Generaal vyf verbandhoudende konsepte wat sou dien as meganismes ter beslegting van internasionale konflik, naamlik voorkomende diplomasie (preventive diplomacy), vredesingryping (peace enforcement), maak van vrede (peacemaking), vredesoperasies (peacekeeping) en post-konflik vredeskonsolidasie (post-conflict peacebuilding). Die Sekretaris-Generaal het post-konflik vredeskonsolidasie omskryf as die "vestiging van sosio-ekonomiese samewerking met die oogmerk om die sosiale, politieke en ekonomiese infrastruktuur te ontwikkel ten einde hernude konflik te voorkom en ter grondlegging van langdurige vrede". Met spesifieke verwysing na die korrelasie tussen landmyne en post-konflik vredeskonsolidasie het die Sekretaris-Generaal benadruk dat landmyne 'n bedreiging inhou vir die konsolidasie van vrede na burgeroorlog en interne konflik, en veral binne die raamwerk van 'n VN vredesoperasie in terme van 'n VN Veiligheidsraad mandaat. Die VN se vredesrol in Mosambiek word allerweë beskou as een van die mees suksesvolle VN vredesoperasies ooit. Die doel van die studie is gevolglik om ondersoek in te stel na die toepassing van die konsep van post-konflik vredeskonsolidasie met spesifieke verwysing na die Mosambiekse vredesproses en die rol van die Verenigde Nasies se Operasie in Mosambiek (ONUMOZ). In die opsig fokus die studie spesifiek op die rol van ONUMOZ (1992-1995) en suksesse en tekortkomings in sy vredesmandaat ten opsigte van die implementering van aksies om die kort-en-langtermyn impak van landmyne in terme van post-konflik vredeskonsolidasie in Mosambiek aan te spreek. Vanuit hierdie konteks, vertolk die studie die Landmyn Verdrag (1999) en die totale verbod op die aanwending, opgaar, produksie en oordrag van landmyne en die vernietiging daarvan as die mees geskikte raamwerk waarbinne Mosambiek 'n inheemse vermoë tot stand kan bring ten einde die langtermyn impak van landmyne op post-konflik vredeskonsolidasie effektief aan te spreek. Vanuit 'n metodologiese oogpunt word in hierdie studie histories analities te werk gegaan en die benadering is beskrywend - verklarend van aard. Verder is die metode van ondersoek in wese deduktief van aard.