<p>The purpose of this thesis is to achieve a greater understanding of the contemporary situation in Kosovo. This understanding is to be made concrete by viewing the international community’s and the domestic actor’s view of the root causes to the contemporary situation. First, the historical background and the contemporary political-, economical- and societal situation of the province are presented. Secondly follows the International Community’s- and the domestic actors stated view that is analyzed using the theories of Political Culture, Relative Deprivation and Human Needs.</p><p>The method that I have chosen is the qualitative together with Semi Structured Interviews that took place in Kosovo during spring 2007.</p><p>I find in my analysis that the view of the International Community and the domestic actors differ. The international community judge the root causes to be foremost the economy, historical legacy and unresolved status and that these have an Interest need based feature. The Kosovo Albanian elite deems that the economy, dual administration, living in a post-communist society and the unresolved status are the most important root causes. The Kosovo Serbs judge them to be lack of political stability and security, and the unresolved status. These needs are Value- and Human Need based to a greater extent than the International Community’s stated ones.</p><p>Keywords: Kosovo, International and Domestic Perspective, Relative Deprivation, Human Needs</p>

<p>The purpose of this study is to examine the possible theoretic and (f)actual role(s) of pop-culture icons in peace and evelopment-related global issues, using the qualitative research methods of text- and discourse analysis. Do pop-culture icons have a role to play at all in this field? If so, what is that role? What are these celebrity activists currently saying and doing on the international development scene and what are their analyses like? What are their current and historical functions? There is support in the academic literature suggesting that celebrity activists can possess vast power resources (scope of influence), (soft) power and (charismatic) authority, which in turn enables them to influence the attitudes and values of (especially young, receptive) people. The findings also show that the most successful celebrity activists have a global reach, as well as access to the international arenas of political power (e. g. the G8 and the World Economic Forum). Celebrity activists seem to be able to "sell" messages in a way that the politicians and officials of today cannot. When they speak, people listen. They further employ a two-level outreach, as they connect with political and economical elite groups as well as with the masses of world citizens in a way that politicians and officials, whose influence is more often limited by traditional nation state boundaries, cannot. I argue that the celebrity activists should be seen as a complement to the civil society and the work of NGO's and INGO's, since it is by further enhancing their work and strengthening their agendas that most of them act.Celebrity activists offer an alternative to the political establishment, which is viewed by suspicion by large groups of citizens, and can play a role in empowerment, inspiration, education, information, awareness raising, fundraising, opinion building and lobbying and function as diplomats, spokespersons, ambassadors, entrepreneurs, convenors and heroic voices.</p>

<p>Human rights and solidarity, as well as moral and legal responsibilities to protect people in need of refuge, seem to be principles of secondary importance within international migratory policies today. Instead, the predominant view seems to focus more and more on the protection of territorial borders, the welfare state and national identity. This international change in discourse can also be seen in the political trends of individual states. There are reasons to believe that this is a development that is also perceptible in the political rhetoric that is used in parliamentary debates, which constitute the main focus of this thesis. The aim of this study has therefore been to increase the understanding of this change in migratory policies by analyzing Swedish parliamentary debates between 1975 and 2002, using a theoretical framework focused on two different perspectives on security: First, the Copenhagen School and securitization of migration, and second, human security and human rights. The method consists of an interpretative and reflective method, together with a critical discourse analysis approach. The main results of the thesis show a possibility to distinguish four sets of discourses with close ties to the contemporary societal context during this period of almost three decades. However, the main arguments for such a change in discourse are first, that although the migration policies have developed in a more restrictive way since the 1980’s, the arguments and rhetoric in parliamentary debates have not changed much even though the tendencies are harder tones simultaneously with such restrictions. Second, in spite of this similarity, there have been people in parliament who have raised their voices and protested during this period when, in their view, the politics has moved outside of the ordinary framework. Finally, this thesis argues that it is possible to place the two debating sides in what could be named the security/rights- nexus, depending on each side’s point of departure according to the security framework of this thesis.</p>

<p>The aim of this field study was to analyze, by taking into consideration the small farmers' perspective, the possibilities and obstacles for an implementation of a Green Revolution in southern Niassa, Northern Mozambique.</p><p>We also highlighted the following question:</p><p>In what sense are the findings in Asia, presented by Djurfeldt, relevant for the situation in southern Niassa?</p><p>The analytical framework used is based on the scheme developed by Nitsch and Åkesson. This scheme has been used to understand the small farmer's relationship toward the technology linked to the Green Revolution. The Green Revolution is a result of an initiative to resolve the food crisis by increasing crop yields and augmenting aggregate food supplies. By the 1970s it become known as a 'package' consisting of improved seeds, farm technology, better irrigation, and chemical fertilizers.</p><p>We have chosen to use Göran Djurfeldt's, a Swedish professor at the University of Lund, concept of the Green Revolution in Asia. Through his findings, he concludes that the success of the Green Revolution in this area is not only due to the technology but also that the strategy was a state-driven, small-farmer based, and market-mediated which arose due to particular domestic and geopolitical factors.</p><p>By taking this in consideration we conclude that neither the state, market nor the geopolitical context are working in favor of a Green Revolution in Mozambique, however the factors are vital if a Green Revolution will succeed in Niassa. The small farmers have to deal with many obstacles if a Green Revolution will be possible. To summarize the small farmer’s attitude toward the Green Revolution we look at the individual circumstances, the direct surrounding and the society in general. We first concluded that the small farmer does not have much knowledge about the Green Revolution. This makes it hard for her or him to have an opinion neither about it nor about the techniques related to the Green Revolution. Secondly, the small farmer have several reason to why she or he do not want to implement the Green Revolution, due to risk taking, tradition, former bad experiences with new technique etc. Thirdly, there are also numerous obstacles that hinder the small farmer to implement the Green Revolution technology. Those are the small farmer's health and time, the lack of extension workers, the international and the domestic agricultural politics, and the lack of inputs and credits etc.</p>

<p>1.1 billion people are today living without sustainable access to improved water. The debate over the water sector has been dominated by the discussion over whether public or private actors are the most competent to manage it. In this paper the arguments pro and contra the two positions are presented to try to overview the debate and to try to find new ways to approach the question of the people living without clean water. By examining possible alternatives towards the discussion of public and private actors, it might result in some new approaches on how to move closer towards a solution. One alternative is local, small- scale projects which focus on the situation of the targetgroup in most need. I have in this paper tried to find signs of that the debate is changing in a way that would bring positive outcomes for the people living without access to improved water. The debate is changing, both the private as well as the public sector is changing their ways of working and the alternative approach is increasing its influence. Hopefully the debate can move away from the discussion of ideology and acknowledge the strengths of each other to result in possible solutions of the water problems. With the increasing interest and concern for the question of water there is thus an opportunity for a change in the debate that would benefit the ones living without sustainable access to improved water.</p>

<p>During November and December 2007 a Minor Field Study was conducted in the southwest</p><p>of Sri Lanka with the aim of exploring the aspirations and perceptions of freedom and</p><p>possibilities among a sample of Sri Lankan youth and also how their situation is viewed upon</p><p>by people in their close surroundings. The aim was also try to discern the main concerns and</p><p>indicators of unfreedom that in the eye of the informants are viewed as obstacles to</p><p>development, to personal human development as well as to the development of Sri Lanka as a</p><p>nation. The theoretical framework that was used as inspirational ground and basis for the</p><p>formulation of the project, was Amartya Sen’s concept of “development as freedom” and his</p><p>“capability approach” which focuses on the human potential and what freedom an individual</p><p>enjoys to convert capabilities into desired functionings or the realization of aspirations. This</p><p>modern economic theory was tested in this context to find out if it is applicable and relevant</p><p>in ethnographic development studies. Despite its lack of numerical metrics, the “capability</p><p>approach” seems very relevant to describe the reality of at least the Lankese youth in this</p><p>study. As methodology for the qualitative field work, Hadley Cantril’s “aspiration-model”</p><p>and his “self-anchoring striving scale” was used which provides a simple, easily applicable</p><p>interview technique for exploring the unique reality of an individual and what it shares or</p><p>don’t shares with that of others. The results show that there are many strong aspirations</p><p>among the Sri Lankan youth; aspirations of being a good person that achieve something in</p><p>life, aspirations of being able to take the best care of the family, to go through a qualitative</p><p>education and to get a good job with a good salary. Many youth want to go abroad. Of course</p><p>there are aspirations of peace in the war-torn country. There are concerns and feelings of</p><p>unfreedom that relate to the unemployment situation, a very difficult economic situation in the</p><p>country, underdevelopment and inadequate facilities, the ongoing war, and political</p><p>unfreedom.</p>

<p>The purpose of this study is to understand the situation concerning women and gender in relation to development, in the Mozambican district of Nacala Porto. The ambition is to identify present theoretical feminist perspectives in terms of perceived problems for women, their ability to solve them, focus areas for improvement and strategies for reaching development aims.</p><p>To enable an understanding of the situation concerning women and gender in relation to development, we have conducted an analytical framework consisting of three main theoretical feminist perspectives in international development policies. These were applied as analytical tools, which consisted of Ester Boserups perspective of Women’s role in economic development, Women In Development (WID) and Gender And Development (GAD).</p><p>The study displayed a discrepancy between the powerful women in the Mozambican parliament and the lack of social power described by the women in Nacala Porto. At the district level the results showed a dominating modernistic paradigm, similar to the situation identified by Boserup, who emphasised that the economical development did not benefit women equally. The subordination of women has been apparent in the district. The long-term strategy of transforming the gender structure has been met with support as well as resistance. The GAD-aim of mainstreaming gender showed a gap between international policy and practise in the district. The interventions that were WID-oriented have on the other hand shown progress regarding female representation, non-discriminatory legislation and increase of girls starting primary school. However, the WID-progress is limited without a gender perspective.</p><p>Three main areas were continuously discussed as means having to change, to potentially alleviate poverty and include women in the development process. These areas were the access to employment, sustainable education and functioning family relations. The interdependence of these areas also seemed to require an integration of the three theoretical feminist perspectives of Boserup, WID and GAD.</p>

<p>In 2005 the Swedish government introduced a law of amnesty for refugees in the country which made the Minister of Integration invite a number of national organizations to discuss this law. After that, seven organizations in Gothenburg also felt that something should be done and they started talking about a cooperation to improve the situation for newly arrived people to Gothenburg. They formed a project, “Plattform Göteborg”, which in this paper will be evaluated according to a manual from Sida. The project consists of seven organizations which have their separate activities formed by them to improve the integration. They do things such as teach Swedish, offer a place for counseling, teach sports to young people and have different activities for children. I will here present these activities, how the organizations planned this, whether these plans is in accordance with what really happened and evaluate the results. To do this I have preformed interviews with the people involved. I have then examined and evaluated the project according to five different criteria; effectiveness, impact, relevance, sustainability and efficiency. From this I have concluded that the idea of a cooperation between organizations is good and necessary a better cooperation with the municipality is needed to make it work better. The project also needs to be structured in a better way and more well-planned, and here the organizations could help each other better. It is also necessary to take effects in to consideration in a better way than done up until now, to see what they want to get out from the project and also think to examine more after which effects that have come from this.</p>

<p>North West University is a creation of one of many mergers between previous universities in South Africa. The process is partly thought to integrate previous advantaged and disadvantaged universities, often also previous white or black dominated universities.</p><p>Even though the merger of NWU has been perceived as successful by many, there are still problems and tensions between the campuses. This report will describe the integration process at NWU as well as handle people’s perceptions towards it and towards the changes brought by the merger. The study has been done through thematic open interviews by staff, management and students at two of the three campuses in the merger of NWU, Mafikeng and Potchefstroom. In our report we have found six clusters which we examine; responses to the merger, within and outside group, differences, history, social status, and within and outside process.</p><p>All through the report the traces from history and Apartheid are still visible in people’s minds and in the clashes between the groups. History also affects the social status of the groups, affects that today create problems for integration.</p><p>The merger was opposed by both parts, however inevitable. People from Mafikeng were found more critical to the merger, highlighting the different power relations between the campuses and fear of being swallowed by Potchefstroom. Potchefstroom in general did not see many changes and white people seem to be more worried about their individual future.</p><p>Once united as one university there is still a low grade of integration or interaction between the campuses and between the groups within them. There have been initiatives to enhance integration at an organizational level, this has though not affected the social level in a significant way. One reason to the lack of integration might be the domination of one culture group at each campus, at Potchefstroom Afrikaans, and at Mafikeng SeTswana. This domination has shown to hinder integration since minority groups either feel left out or have to assimilate to fit in. Differences between the groups also create misunderstandings and clashes in the integration process. However we have seen that the persons within the merger process tend to be more positive than the people outside of it. This might be due to increased interaction, better information and a possibility to affect the outcome that makes the people involved more positive then the ones not involved.</p>

<p>The aim of the essay is to investigate how the term ’Third world’ is constructed in media. With this I intend to make a historical survey of the conception. With the help of Swedish newspapers and their description of the concept, I am going to answer the following questions: How is the concept ‘Third world’ constructed in script, in a historical context and in modern time? Is there a tendency of racism in the term?</p><p>The method I used was discourse analysis. To get further answer to my questions I used postcolonialism as a theoretical starting-point, whitch brings forth the effects and after-effects colonialism has on the identity and culture of the colonialised. The concept ‘Third World’ has gone from signifying a composition of countries that wanted to prove they stood neutral in the ‘Cold war’, to, during the latest centuries, consist of a very large group of people that are believed not to be able to take care of themselves an thereby needs to be brought up by the Western world. In order to this, social hierarchies are established along with hidden conditions of power, whitch you only can start breaking down by showing that they do exist.</p>