abstract: This archaeological study applies a world-systems-based approach in evaluating regional economic interaction among independent polities. It focuses specifically on interaction between local polities and Teotihuacan-affiliated populations in the Western Tuxtlas Region of the Gulf Coast of Veracruz, Mexico during the Early Classic and Middle Classic periods (A.D. 300-650). Changes in regional economics followed the founding of the Teotihuacan-linked center of Matacapan in the Catemaco River Valley. To assess these changes, this research characterizes the consumption of Matacapan-produced imports in two independent neighboring polities to reconstruct regional distribution networks and assess Matacapan’s impact on the region. The Central Highland capital of Teotihuacan had variable influence throughout Mesoamerica. One pronounced occurrence of this influence has been identified at Matacapan, which displays strong material culture and architectural connections to Teotihuacan. This research therefore employs a modified world-systems framework which removes the assumption of hierarchy and instead focuses on regional interaction within the periphery. It views the establishment of regional distribution networks centered at Matacapan that articulate with the two neighboring polities as a form of incorporation, the process wherein external groups are brought into a system. To assess incorporation, four potential Matacapan-centered networks are analyzed. These networks consist of the distribution of two ceramic types and obsidian blades produced from two sources. Artifacts from survey, surface collection, and excavation were subjected to ceramic analysis, lithic analysis, petrography, neutron activation analysis, and X-ray fluorescence analysis to identify source, form, and production technology. These data aid in determining network participation in each polity. By assessing importation in these local polities, the form and degree of their incorporation will be identified. Incorporation of indigenous polities into regional networks was not uniform within the Western Tuxtlas Region. Two Matacapan-centered networks were identified, and they differ in form and extent. One indigenous polity, Teotepec, participated in both networks while the other, Totocapan, participated in one. I argue that Teotepec’s incorporation into a second network was strategic in that it was mutually beneficial to both involved parties. Additionally, indigenous Tuxtlas’ polities were able to negotiate interaction with their Teotihuacan-affiliated neighbor for desired goods without forfeiting political or cultural autonomy. / Dissertation/Thesis / Doctoral Dissertation Anthropology 2016

The 21st century has witnessed a significant growth of financial activity in the food system. Although these developments have been mirrored with a rise in interest towards studying financialisation, there is still much to uncover of its complex workings in an equally complex system. Many studies have focused on the measurement of financialisation, but less have ventured to assess the practical nature of financialisation: how it spreads, who spreads it and what are its effects for the system it is colonising. This study creates a model to understand these practicalities. To test this model, I use quantitative soybean commodity chain data by the Trase database combined with a qualitative case study on Bunge Ltd., one of the biggest soybean traders and processors globally.Contrary to how financialisation is often treated, this study strengthens the understanding of financialisation as a deliberate process put in practice by the actors and structures in its host system. It is a process inherent to the foundations of the current neoliberal world order and globalised capitalist system, which it influences and is influenced by. To assess the practice of the financialisation process, in this thesis I have created a model that can be adapted to systems and commodities within as well as beyond the food system.

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This thesis deploys world-systems theory to analyze two series of mid-twentieth century wildcat strikes in the Appalachian coalfields: the Eastern Kentucky-based Roving Picket Movement of 1962-1963 and a separate set of unauthorized strikes throughout the region that lasted from 1974-1978, with a particular focus on the Gas Strike of 1974, the strikes surrounding the 1974 Kanawha Country book boycott, and the 1977-1978 contract strike. More specifically, I will examine the New Communist Movement's (NCM) role in these strikes, with special emphasis on the Maoist-inspired Progressive Labor (PL)'s participation in the 1962-1963 strikes and the role of the Miner's Right to Strike Committee (MRSC), a project of the Revolutionary Union/Revolutionary Communist Party in the 1970s wildcats. I argue that PL and the MRSC's divergent experiences demonstrate the shift from the first to the second anti-systemic movement. PL's experience working with the strikers was more typical of the first anti-systemic movement; the MRSC's experience was more typical of the second anti-systemic movement. The two sets of NCM organizers' varying levels of success, different approaches to the New Social Movements, and different interactions with structural forces at play in the world-system all point to the shift in anti-systemic movements. / Master of Arts

20th century debates within Marxism regarding the origins of capitalism—debates culminating in the Brenner Debate of the late 70's—have not been resolved. Recently, Giovanni Arrighi's Adam Smith in Beijing contributes to these debates by returning the conversation to the inheritance of classical political economy. Arrighi offers fresh readings of Adam Smith and Karl Marx to redefine capitalism and national development for the 21st century, paying particular attention to the relationship between state political power and market forces. Specifically, Arrighi makes the case that Marxists should not conflate markets with capitalism; that, in fact, markets are necessary for societies hoping to generate wealth for all. In making this argument, Arrighi argues for a market socialism, for a world of capital without capitalism. This thesis contextualizes this argument within the history of the Brenner Debate, noting how Arrighi's work refines earlier world-systems analysis and complicates Robert Brenner's accusation of Neo-Smithian Marxism. More importantly, this thesis considers closely Arrighi's argument and its reliance on the political economy of Adam Smith. It notes that contradictions in Smith's work lead to confused conceptions of capitalism for Arrighi and for the world at large, especially when one considers Smith's philosophical and ethical writings. Utilizing the lens of Inayatullah and Blaney's "cultural political economy", this thesis critiques Arrighi for neglecting the philosophical components of Smith's work, and attempts to expand Arrighi's definition of market socialism to account for capitalism as an ethical and philosophical project. / Master of Arts / In the 20th century, leftist economists debated where capitalism came from. Those economists also wanted to know what features made capitalism unique. A recent book by Giovanni Arrighi, Adam Smith in Beijing, weighs in on these debates by arguing capitalism is when the state serves the interests of capitalist elites. In doing so, Arrighi also argues for a better kind of economy—an economy that can generate wealth, like capitalism, without also generating recessions and crises. He calls this better economy "market socialism". To make this argument, Arrighi doesn't use communist thinkers like Karl Marx of Vladimir Lenin. Instead, he uses the writings of the godfather of capitalism: Adam Smith. This thesis looks at how Arrighi reclaims Adam Smith for the Left, and how Adam Smith helps Arrighi define capitalism. It then looks at the parts of Adam Smith he ignores, and argues that his definition of capitalism—the capture of the state by capitalists—does not include many of the parts of capitalism Adam Smith made famous: self-interest, classes of rich and poor peoples, etc. My thesis shows that, according to Adam Smith, capitalism is more than a question of who is in charge; it is also a question of ethics and beliefs. It argues that for Arrighi's "market socialism" to be a reality, it needs to consider these ethics and beliefs. In other words, my thesis argues capitalism needs to be seen as a culture, and that future economies should be viewed this way as well. When we see our economy as our culture, we can begin to imagine ways to take control of it and make it work for us instead of the top 1%.

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Dans cette thèse nous avons cherché à prendre la mesure de la rupture épistémologique produite par l’analyse des systèmes-monde dans le champ des sciences sociales à travers l’étude d’un de ses principaux représentants, Immanuel Wallerstein. Dans un premier temps, ses recherches sur les mouvements nationalistes, la décolonisation et les indépendances africaines, se sont inscrites dans le cadre de ce qu’on a appelé la théorie de la modernisation qui corrélait changements sociaux et développement. Un tel modèle reposait sur une philosophie de l’histoire progressiste ordonnant les sociétés pensées comme des entités discrètes sur un axe menant de la tradition à la modernité, de sociétés agraires et rurales pauvres et oppressives pour l’individu à des sociétés urbaines industrielles prospères et individualistes. L’échec du développement des pays africains au cours des années 60 a fait douter Wallerstein de la pertinence de ce modèle. Il a alors cherché à élaborer une théorie alternative de la modernité à l’échelle globale. Au lieu de lire l’histoire mondiale selon le fil d’une modernisation qui serait un processus se réalisant à l’échelle sociétale, il l’a organisée autour de l’échange inégal entre zones exploiteuses et exploitées appartenant à un même système social appelé « système-monde moderne. » L’histoire de la modernité depuis la Renaissance et la conquête de l’Amérique devenait alors celle d’une polarisation continue entre les différentes zones de ce système, sa globalisation à partir de la deuxième moitié du dix-huitième siècle et durant tout le dix-neuvième ne faisant qu’étendre au monde entier l’inégalité entre un centre développé et une périphérie sous-développée. Au-delà de la critique de la théorie de la modernisation et du développementalisme, l’analyse des systèmes-monde a aussi procédé à une remise en cause de l’image progressiste de l’histoire qui s’était imposée depuis la philosophie des Lumières. Le système-monde moderne apparu au tournant du quinzième et du seizième siècle, comme tout système, aura une fin, comme il a eu un début. Nous vivons dans un système social qui en tant que tel est voué à disparaître sans qu’on puisse dire s’il constitue un progrès par rapport aux précédents (jamais aucun système social n’a été aussi inégalitaire), ni s’il donnera naissance à un système qui sera meilleur (en bifurcation chaotique l’avenir est incertain).En élaborant une autre « chronosophie » (Krystof Pomian), une autre « image » (Thomas Kuhn) de l’histoire que celle, progressiste, qui sous-tendait le développementalisme et la théorie de la modernisation, c’est bien une révolution copernicienne et une rupture épistémologique dans les sciences sociales qu’expose l’analyse des systèmes-monde. C’est donc bien un nouveau paradigme qu’elle se propose de constituer, l’œuvre de Wallerstein incarnant le passage des histoires mondiales classiques fondées sur le nationalisme méthodologique et l’idée de progrès, vers les histoires globales actuelles. / This PhD thesis aims to study the epistemological break produced by world-systems analysis in the field of social sciences, through the study of one of its major representatives, Immanuel Wallerstein. Initially, his research on nationalist movements, decolonization and African Independences was part of what has been called modernization’s theory. Such a model, built on a progressist philosophy of history, orders societies - perceived as discrete entities - on a linear axis leading from tradition to modernity, from poor and oppressive agrarian societies to prosperous and individualistic urban, industrial societies. The failure of development in African countries during the 1960s caused Wallerstein to doubt the relevance of this model. He then sought to elaborate an alternative theory of modernity on a global scale. In this theory, modernisation - a process realizable on the societal scale - is not the guiding thread to the reading of world history. Rather, world history is organised through the unequal exchange between exploitative and exploited zones belonging to the same social system he called “modern world-system”. The history of modernity from the Renaissance and the conquest of America onwards became one of continuous polarisation between different zones of the system. Its globalisation from the second half of the eighteenth and throughout the nineteenth century expanded inequality between a developed centre and an underdeveloped periphery to the entire world. Further to the critique of modernisation and developmentalism, the world-systems analysis has also called into question the progressive image of history which had been imposed since the Enlightenment philosophy. The modern world-system as it emerges at the turn of the fifteenth to the sixteenth century will have a demise as it had a beginning. As a social system, it is bound to disappear. It does not constitute an improvement with regard to the precedent systems (never has any social system been so inegalitarian) and it is unlikely to breed a better system since in a chaotic bifurcation, the future is uncertain.By elaborating a new “image” (Thomas Kuhn) of history, a new chronosophy (Krzysztof Pomian), the world-systems analysis operates a Copernican revolution and an epistemological rupture in the social sciences with regards to the theory of modernisation presented as the compendium of nineteenth century social science. As such, the world-systems analysis emerges as a new paradigm. Wallerstein’s work constitutes the passage from world histories founded on methodological nationalism and the idea of progress to the current non-Eurocentric global histories.

As the largest island in the Caribbean, Cuba boasts beautiful scenery, as well as a rich and diverse culture. Yet, throughout Cuban history, the beauty of this famous socialist nation has been marred by social inequalities, primarily affecting class, gender, and race. In the Cuban tourism sector in particular, the three aforementioned components have been prevalent since the island’s inception of tourism in the early 20th Century. With the recent political changes marked by the attempt to restore relations with the United States, this thesis will critically analyze the theories of Black Marxism, Intersectionality, and World Systems Analysis (WSA), to explain how racism has affected the overall quality of life for Afro-Cubans. In addition, the theories applied to Cuban tourism also cause the tourist sector to be racialized in the 21st Century. Furthermore, this thesis will analyze how Cuban tourism is maintained from a Socialist perspective, as well demonstrate that the tourism advertisements in the 21st Century are greatly racialized, depicting Afro-Cubans in the mode of servitude to the tourist. In addition, it will reveal that gender also plays a significant role in the way Afro-Cubans are perceived by society. This thesis will conclude with how the WSA theory can be hypothetically applied to the recent changes in U.S. policy, promoting greater interaction with Cuba and American tourism, after more than five decades of travel ban.

This thesis examines the location and role of the runanga institution. As a prominent contemporary organization for Maori development, relevant theory locates runanga with regard to a broader developmental framework and their potential to function within it. The position of runanga, as a facilitator of Maori development, is assessed with reference to Dependency theory, World Systems theory and Modes of Production. These theories highlight the systematic historic dis-empowerment of Maori through the processes of colonisation with particular regard to runanga. The thesis also considers the evolution of the runanga since its migration from Hawaiki, its utilisation as a forum of colonial resistance, its co-option into the governmental system and its contemporary resurgence. This provides a historical overview of the runanga as an institution. In addition, Te Runanga 0 Ngati Whitikaupeka has been used as the case study which considers the issues of becoming a runanga and includes what the structure of the runanga might look like for Ngati Whitikaupeka as an iwi. The theories of Community Development and Empowerment are offered as means to counter the further dis-empowerment of Maori, where institutions such as runanga can utilise these notions to facilitate positive outcomes for iwi and Maori development. Field research contained in this thesis identifies some of the specific concerns and aspirations of Ngati Whitikaupeka iwi members. In utilising the notions of empowerment and community development the field research provides an explicit statement of Iwi aspirations to maintain the connection between Ngati Whitlkaupeka Iwi members at the flax-roots and Te Runanga 0 Ngati Whitikaupeka as a representative body that can facilitate those aspirations. Supplementary to this the iwi aspirations that have been identified in this study are intended to provide some direction for the runanga as the representative decision-making body moving into the future.

Magister Artium (Development Studies) - MA (DVS) / The South African government has earmarked infrastructure development as a key driver of the economy. The infrastructure sectors of energy, water and transport have received large Development Bank of Southern Africa (DBSA) loans to fund new projects, repairs and maintenance. The DBSA loan approvals to municipalities for the period 2012-2013 was R2.3 billion. Loans to 'under-resourced' municipalities totalled R927 million for the same period. Key infrastructure sectors included electricity (R466 million), roads and drainage (R678 million), community facilities (R735 million) and water and sanitation (R1.2 billion). The DBSA is owned by the South African state and its relationship with municipalities is legislated and regulated through the Constitution and an Act of Parliament. One of the post-apartheid roles of the DBSA is to support the infrastructure development agenda of the State through a complexed network of infrastructure projects in the key infrastructure sectors of water and sanitation, education, housing, health and housing. It does so through project, technical and development finance support to municipalities. The underlying rationale for the relationship between municipalities and the DBSA is to forward the States' agenda of providing equal access to basic services and develop infrastructure to support its social and economic development agenda. While the DBSA does provide infrastructure grants and facilitates intergovernmental transfers to municipalities, it also provides infrastructure loans to municipalities for both capital expenditure and large-scale infrastructure projects. The premise of development banks is to provide development finance for infrastructure projects at low interest. The DBSA specifically as a state-owned bank has an overall agenda to develop the infrastructure of poorer municipalities whose credit-worthiness will not allow it to qualify for commercial loans.