"Outdoor Education" and German Scout-Type Youth Organizations in the Czech Lands Title: "Outdoor Education" and German Scout-Type Youth Organizations in the Czech Lands Abstract: The thesis deals with the formation and history of German youth organizations in the Czech Lands. It especially covers those organizations that either directly referred to the Scout movement originating in the UK or US, or at least adopted the fundamental educational methods and principles of working with the youth which were typical for these movements. These organizations marked a revolutionary change in the approach to youth and their education. Such a change was possible thanks to a series of philosophical, pedagogical and political transformations in the society. Scout movements were especially built on the modern philosophical theories based on the ideas of American and German philosophers. However, the roots of this approach to nature and to human education can be traced to the early modern era, when the first modern approaches to teaching appeared and were generally applied under the changing economic and social environment of a modern society. In addition to philosophy, the movement was also influenced by a number of other social, political, ideological and cultural phenomena. The origins of these organizations can be seen...

Målet med studien var att låta tre autonoma ungdomsorganisationer (Megafonen,Pantrarna samt Rörelsen Gatans Röst och Ansikte) komma till tals angående sinaverksamheter. Organisationerna är etablerade i svenska förorter och arbetar för atthöja förortens status och att engagera ungdomar i det som påverkar deras liv ochnärområde. Frågeställningarna löd: Hur kan organisationernas verksamhet ochdess mål beskrivas? På vilket sätt kan organisationernas verksamhet tolkas somsocialt arbete? Genom intervjuer med de aktuella organisationerna samtdokumentanalys av nyhetsartiklar och hemsidematerial som organisationernamedverkat i eller själva producerat ville vi ta del av och framföraorganisationernas egna röster. Genom teorin om empowerment samt begreppetclaims-making fördjupades förståelsen för och förklaringen till organisationernasarbete och de sociala problem organisationerna framhåller. Organisationerna haren tydlig social och politisk agenda och betonar samhällets strukturer som orsaktill många förortsbors livssituation. De arbetar med egenformulerade socialaproblembilder som de vill aktualisera i samhällsdebatten. De vill ökamedborgarnas rättigheter och demokratiska inflytande och framförallt öka ochkanalisera ungdomarna i förorternas engagemang samt ge dem kunskap ochverktyg till att organisera sig. / The aim of the study was to let three autonomous youth organizations(Megafonen, Pantrarna and Rörelsen Gatans Röst och Ansikte) getting to talkregarding their activities. The organizations are established in Swedish suburbsand are working to raise suburban status and for involving young people in theissues that affect their lives and neighbourhoods. The question formulation was:How can the activity and the goals for the organizations be described? How canthe activities of the organizations be interpreted as social work? Throughinterviews with the organizations, and document analysis of the content of newsarticles and website that the organizations had been involved in, or produced, wewanted to take part in and present the organizations´ own voices. Through thetheory of empowerment and the concept of claims-making, the understanding ofthe explanation of the organizations´ work and the social problems theorganizations points out got deepened. The organizations have a clear social andpolitical agenda, and stress the understanding of the structure of society as thecause of the suburban residents´ life situation. They work with, by them,formulated set of social problems they want to update in the public debate. Theywant to increase the rights of the citizens and the democratic influence and aboveall increase and channel the engagement of the youth in the suburbs, and givethem the knowledge and tools to organize.

No description available.

A presente pesquisa analisa o processo de emergência de grupos organizados de jovens LGBT e de seu engajamento. Foram realizadas entrevistas semi-estruturadas com fundadores/as e coordenadores/as de grupos jovens LGBT, bem como observação de campo junto às atividades desenvolvidas pelas entidades, o que permitiu problematizar e descrever: o contexto de emergência desses grupos, seus modos de organização e funcionamento, suas bandeiras de luta e formas de ação, tal como o perfil e o processo de engajamento desses/as jovens. Assim foi possível traçar um panorama histórico envolvendo as seguintes organizações atuantes na cidade de São Paulo: Projeto de Apoio a Gays e Lésbicas Adolescentes (PAGLA), E-jovem, XTeens, Jovens e Adolescentes Homossexuais (JA) e Projeto Purpurina. Assim como traçar o cenário atual em Paris com foco nas seguintes entidades: MAG Jeunes LGBT, Pôle Jeunesse, CONTACT e Le Refuge. Essas organizações promovem encontros, online e offline (presenciais e virtuais) de apoio mútuo voltados a jovens, que varia de 13 a 29 anos e abordam sobretudo: autoaceitação, conflitos na família, com amigos, na escola, universidade e trabalho. Os grupos e os/as jovens apresentam ressalvas em relação à política institucional (governos, partidos, eleições, espaços de participação e controle social), para eles/as fazer política significa promover transformações sociais a partir de suas vidas cotidianas, que eventualmente podem passar por reivindicações pontuais em relação a legislações, políticas ou serviços públicos. / This research analyzes the process of emergence of organized groups of LGBT youth and their engagement. Semi-structured interviews were held with founders and coordinators of LGBT youth groups and field observation with the activities developed by the entities, which allowed discuss and describe: the emergence of such groups, their modes of organization and operation, their struggles themes and forms of action, such as their profile and engagement process. Thus it was possible to trace a historical overview involving the following organizations actives in São Paulo: Projeto de Apoio a Gays e Lésbicas Adolescentes (Pagla), E-Jovem, XTeens, Jovens e Adolescentes Homossexuais (JA) and Projeto Purpurina; As well as outline the current situation in Paris focusing on the following groups: MAG - Jeunes LGBT, Pôle Jeunesse, CONTACT e Le Refuge. These organizations hold meetings, online and off-line, of mutual support aimed at young people, which ranges from 13 to 29 years and cover mainly: self-acceptance, conflicts in the family, with friends, at school, university and work. Groups and young have reservations about the institutional policy (governments, parties, elections, opportunities for participation and social control), for them politics means promoting social change from their everyday lives, which can eventually move by specific claims regarding legislation, policies or public services.

A presente pesquisa analisa o processo de emergência de grupos organizados de jovens LGBT e de seu engajamento. Foram realizadas entrevistas semi-estruturadas com fundadores/as e coordenadores/as de grupos jovens LGBT, bem como observação de campo junto às atividades desenvolvidas pelas entidades, o que permitiu problematizar e descrever: o contexto de emergência desses grupos, seus modos de organização e funcionamento, suas bandeiras de luta e formas de ação, tal como o perfil e o processo de engajamento desses/as jovens. Assim foi possível traçar um panorama histórico envolvendo as seguintes organizações atuantes na cidade de São Paulo: Projeto de Apoio a Gays e Lésbicas Adolescentes (PAGLA), E-jovem, XTeens, Jovens e Adolescentes Homossexuais (JA) e Projeto Purpurina. Assim como traçar o cenário atual em Paris com foco nas seguintes entidades: MAG Jeunes LGBT, Pôle Jeunesse, CONTACT e Le Refuge. Essas organizações promovem encontros, online e offline (presenciais e virtuais) de apoio mútuo voltados a jovens, que varia de 13 a 29 anos e abordam sobretudo: autoaceitação, conflitos na família, com amigos, na escola, universidade e trabalho. Os grupos e os/as jovens apresentam ressalvas em relação à política institucional (governos, partidos, eleições, espaços de participação e controle social), para eles/as fazer política significa promover transformações sociais a partir de suas vidas cotidianas, que eventualmente podem passar por reivindicações pontuais em relação a legislações, políticas ou serviços públicos. / This research analyzes the process of emergence of organized groups of LGBT youth and their engagement. Semi-structured interviews were held with founders and coordinators of LGBT youth groups and field observation with the activities developed by the entities, which allowed discuss and describe: the emergence of such groups, their modes of organization and operation, their struggles themes and forms of action, such as their profile and engagement process. Thus it was possible to trace a historical overview involving the following organizations actives in São Paulo: Projeto de Apoio a Gays e Lésbicas Adolescentes (Pagla), E-Jovem, XTeens, Jovens e Adolescentes Homossexuais (JA) and Projeto Purpurina; As well as outline the current situation in Paris focusing on the following groups: MAG - Jeunes LGBT, Pôle Jeunesse, CONTACT e Le Refuge. These organizations hold meetings, online and off-line, of mutual support aimed at young people, which ranges from 13 to 29 years and cover mainly: self-acceptance, conflicts in the family, with friends, at school, university and work. Groups and young have reservations about the institutional policy (governments, parties, elections, opportunities for participation and social control), for them politics means promoting social change from their everyday lives, which can eventually move by specific claims regarding legislation, policies or public services.

Efektyvi nevyriausybinių jaunimo organizacijų veikla yra pilietinės visuomenės pagrindas ir vienas iš svarbiausių ramsčių, užtikrinančių demokratinės visuomenės išlikimą ateityje. Todėl šio darbo tikslas yra ištirti nevyriausybinių jaunimo organizacijų bendradarbiavimo su Lietuvos savivaldybėmis specifiką per Kauno miesto savivaldybės atvejo analizę. Pirmajame darbo skyriuje nagrinėjama „užsakovo (principalo) - vykdytojo“ teorija ir jos formavimosi principai. Taip pat analizuojamas teorijos pritaikymas valstybinių institucijų ir nevyriausybinių organizacijų bendradarbiavime. Antrajame skyriuje analizuojamos nevyriausybinių organizacijų (NVO) samprata. Jame pateikiami pagrindiniai NVO bruožai ir nagrinėjami jų teisinio statuso aspektai. Trečiajame darbo skyriuje analizuojamas nevyriausybinių organizacijų ir valdžios institucijų bendradarbiavimas. Taip pat pateikiami pagrindiniai NVO tikslai bei nagrinėjama nevyriausybinių organizacijų padėtis Lietuvoje. Ketvirtajame skyriuje analizuojamas nevyriausybinių jaunimo organizacijų ir jaunimo politiką įgyvendinančių valstybės institucijų bendradarbiavimas nacionaliniame bei savivaldos lygmenyse. Paskutiniame penktajame skyriuje analizuojamas nevyriausybinių jaunimo organizacijų ir Kauno miesto savivaldybės bendradarbiavimo veiksmingumas. Didžiausias dėmesys yra skiriamas abiejų pusių veiklos įvertinimui bei problemoms, kurios tampa trukdžiais nevyriausybinių jaunimo organizacijų ir Kauno miesto savivaldybės bendradarbiavimo tikslams... [toliau žr. visą tekstą] / An effective activity of non-governmental youth organizations is a basis of civil society and one of the most important supports which ensures the survival of democratic society in the future. Therefore, the aim of this work is to explore a particularity of cooperation between the non-governmental youth organizations and municipalities in Lithuania through the case study of Kaunas City Municipality. The first chapter examines the “Customer (Principal) – Executor” theory and its principles of formation. It also analyzes the use of the theory in the cooperation between the non-governmental organizations and the state institutions. The second section examines the concept of non-governmental organizations (NGOs). The main features of NGOs and the aspects of their legal status are provided in this section. The third section examines the cooperation between NGOs and the governmental institutions. It also provides the main objectives of the NGO and the situation of the non-governmental organizations in Lithuania. The fourth section analyzes the cooperation between the non-governmental youth organizations and the state institutions which implement youth policy at the national and local levels. The last fifth section examines the efficiency of the cooperation between the non-governmental youth organizations and Kaunas City Municipality. The biggest focus is pointed to the evaluation of the activity and the problems of the both sides which appear to be the interference to reach... [to full text]

Les « années 1968 » ne virent pas seulement l’émergence d’une jeunesse radicale, mais une politisation sans précédent de l’ensemble d’une génération. Aux États-Unis comme en Europe, des jeunes de gauche comme de droite s’engagèrent massivement en politique, faisant des partis et de leurs organisations de jeunesse les premiers bénéficiaires de cette politisation des jeunes. L’étude des principales organisations de jeunesse politiques en RFA (Junge Union, Jungsozialisten) et en France (MJCF, UJP) met en évidence la mutation profonde de la culture politique que suscita cet afflux de jeunes entre 1966 et 1974. Avant même le mouvement étudiant, un nouveau modèle d’organisation fondé sur l’autonomie des jeunes se diffusa dans le cadre du processus de naissance des partis d’électeurs. Au lendemain de « 68 », les organisations se forgèrent une nouvelle identité autour d’un positionnement progressiste reposant sur la foi en un changement social imminent. Cherchant à mobiliser massivement les jeunes, elles transformèrent leur vie interne à travers l’accroissement du rôle de la base, la démocratisation et la rationalisation de leur fonctionnement, l’essor du militantisme actif et de la propagande. L’ascension politique exceptionnelle que connurent par la suite leurs cadres fit des organisations de jeunesse l’une des principales filières d’accès à la politique. Ainsi, à travers l’ensemble des changements qu’elle suscita dans l’engagement militant, la culture politique et le fonctionnement de la démocratie, cette génération fut, par excellence, une génération politique. / The « 1968s » witnessed not only the emergence of a radical youth, but also an unprecedented politicization of a whole generation. In the United States as in Europe, young people on the left and the right became massively involved in politics, making the political parties and their youth organizations the first beneficiaries of the youth’s politicization. The study of the main political youth organizations in West Germany (Junge Union, Jungsozialisten) and in France (MJCF, UJP) highlights the deep transformation of the political culture sparked off by this influx of young members between 1966 and 1974. Even before the student movement, a new model of organization based on more autonomy developed along with the rise of “catch-all-parties”. After “68”, the organizations forged a new identity by taking a progressive stand, proclaiming their faith in the imminence of a social change. Attempting to mobilize massively the youth, they transformed their internal organization increasing the role of the activist base, accelerating the democratization and the rationalization of their functioning, developing the militancy and the propaganda. The exceptional political rise of their leaders made the youth organizations a major pathway to a political career. Thus, by initiating radical changes in the organization of activism, in the political culture and in the management of the democracy, this generation was par excellence a political generation.

All the youth political organizations, that were included in his research, aimed to provide its political parties with the function of party stabilization, They acted as a mediator between political party and the defined part of society. There is an assumption, that institutionalized political party wants a strong and durable relationship with the affiliated organization because of its mutually beneficial functions. Moreover, these parties should also aim to formalize this relationship via its statutes. However, in the Czech Republic there is a strong tendency toward omitting this form of relationship as the parties prefer more informal relations. This diploma thesis discovered, that in the only youth political organization with formal ties to its maternal organization was Young Social Democrats. Even though these youth political parties act lice a support structure, they can be also perceived by political party as a potential source of instability and danger.

Det svenska partisystemet är relativt unikt till följd av att det har en tydlig endimensionell struktur. Internationell forskning har visat på samband mellan personlighetsfaktorer och politisk hemvist. Mest framträdande är kopplingen mellan öppenhet och vänstersympatier, samt samvetsgrannhet och högersympatier. Det förefaller även som att politiker skiljer sig från den genomsnittlige väljaren när det gäller framför allt extraversion, samvetsgrannhet och öppenhet. I en svensk kontext är forskningen mer begränsad och således finns ett behov av att nyansera bilden. För att undersöka dessa samband hos ungdomspolitiker i Sveriges största politiska ungdomsförbund, SSU och MUF, genomfördes en enkätundersökning baserad på BFI-44 med N = 161. Ett nationellt representativt stickprov om N = 1524 som genomfört BFI-10 i samband med en undersökning av SOM-institutet fick representera den genomsnittlige väljaren. För att testa hypoteserna genomfördes ett flertal independent samples t-test. Resultaten indikerade att ungdomspolitiker i SSU inte var mer öppna än ungdomspolitiker i MUF (d = 0.062) och att ungdomspolitiker i MUF var signifikant mer samvetsgranna än deras motparter i SSU (d = -0.28). Ungdomspolitiker i SSU visade signifikant högre resultat på neuroticism (d = 0.52) och ungdomspolitikerna som grupp var mer extroverta (d = 0.22) och öppna (d = 0.27) än den genomsnittlige väljaren. Resultaten låg i stora drag i linje med tidigare forskning. Några av avvikelserna gick inte att underbygga teoretiskt, men spekulerades kunna kopplas till den unika svenska politiska kontexten. Vidare spekulerar vi kring sambanden mellan personlighetsdrag och politisk preferens mot bakgrund av studiens resultat. / The Swedish political party system is relatively unique because of its clear one-dimensional structure. International research has shown a connection between personality characteristics and political affiliation. The connection that stands out is that between openness and left sympathies and conscientiousness and right sympathies. It also appears that politicians diverge from the average voter when it comes to extraversion, conscientiousness and openness. In a Swedish context the research is more limited and therefore there is a need to add nuance. To explore these relationships a survey based on BFI-44 was conducted with N = 161. A nationally representative sample of N = 1524 that had conducted BFI-10 as part of a survey by the SOM-insitute got to represent the average voter. To test the hypotheses a multitude of independent samples t-tests was conducted. The results indicated that the youth politicians of SSU were not more open than the youth politicians of MUF (d = 0.062), and that youth politicians of MUF were significantly more conscientious than their counterparts in SSU (d = -0.28). Youth politicians of SSU registered a significantly higher score for neuroticism (d = 0.52) and the youth politicians as a group were more extroverted (d = 0.22) and open (d = 0.27) than the average voter. The results were largely in line with earlier research. Some of the deviations couldn’t be supported from a theoretical perspective but was speculated to have a connection to the unique Swedish political context. Furthermore, we speculate about the connection between personality characteristics and political preference considering the results of this study.

The thesis "Political image of emerging politicians and media they use to build their image" examines the reationship of young aspiring politicians to the topic of political image. The main objective of this thesis is to examine the relationship of young aspiring politicians to political image and whether they are actively seeking to build their own political image. Young aspiring politicians are defined for purposes of this thesis as members of youth political organizations Young Social Democrats and Young Conservatives over 18 years old. The first part of this thesis summarizes theoretical findings on the issue of political image in terms of political marketing and political communication and defines political youth organizations and describes their function in relation to society and political parties. The second part of this thesis examines the relationship of young aspiring politicians to political image through qualitative research using semi-structured interviews as research tool.