This thesis delves into the role of women in the Zapatista movement and how that role has changed over time in the private, public and political spheres. It also draws parallels between the struggle for female liberation within Zapatismo and the struggles of working-class, women of color movements in the United States. Chapters are focused on topics including women's involvement in the San Andrés Accords, the Women's Revolutionary Law, the Other Campaign and Marichuy's electoral campaign as well as personal observations from time spent in Oventik, a Zapatista caracol. As complement to the text, the thesis includes a visual zine.

The present essay aims to understand the depiction formulated by the opinion leaders at the Mexican capital’s press about the indigenous population after the Neozapatista Uprising in 1994 and its transformation throughout the years in which the guerrilla movement stood present at the media, until 2003. In this dissertation, I sustain the idea that the approximation between the guerrilla movement and the press resulted in a change in the image that the media constructed and spread, modifying the depiction that had happened until then about the indigenous people by rethinking the preestablished categories inside the Mexican imaginary, in addition to exposing and proposing new perspectives and ways of representation. Therefore, I begin at the idea that the opinion articles published by the press between 1994 and 2003 were able not only to rethink the image of the indigenous people but also to give the uprising a fundamental space that allowed it to have a communicational reach like never before a guerrilla have had, changing the Mexican’s political and social relations To reach such goals we have chosen to analyse two Mexico City’s newspapers, La Jornada and El Universal, which have been selected due to their active participation in representing the indigenous people between the studied time frame, also for being both of them diaries with widespread national recognition for its collaborators and with an important number of daily copies throughout the country. These newspapers also were selected by having opposite ideological positions and editorial lines of work, which allowed the essay to have not only a broader perspective of the facts and its representations, but also helped to show how the different interests changed the light in which the indigenous people were shown. / Este trabajo tiene como objetivo comprender la representación que los líderes de opinión construyeron en la prensa de la capital mexicana sobre los indígenas después del levantamiento neozapatista en 1994, así como su transformación a lo largo de los años en los que el movimiento guerrillero estuvo más presente en los medios de comunicación, específicamente en la prensa escrita abarcando hasta el año 2003. En esta disertación defiendo la idea de que gracias a la aproximación que tuvo el movimiento guerrillero con la prensa, se logró realizar sino un cambio en la imagen que se venía difundiendo sobre los indios, sí un debate importante entorno a la imagen que los medios construían y difundían sobre ellos, modificando la representación que hasta entonces se realizaba de estos al repensar las categorías ya preestablecidas dentro del imaginario mexicano, además de exponer y de proponer nuevas perspectivas y formas de representación. Así, parto de la idea de que los artículos de opinión que publicó la prensa desde 1994 hasta 2003, permitieron no solo repensar la imagen de los indios, sino también dotar al movimiento de un espacio fundamental que le posibilitó tener un alcance comunicacional importante ya que modificó las relaciones políticas y sociales mexicanas Para alcanzar dichos objetivos hemos decidido analizar dos periódicos de la ciudad de México: La Jornada y El Universal. La selección de estos se decidió en base a su participación activa para representar a los indígenas durante el periodo que estudiaremos, así como por ser diarios con un amplio reconocimiento nacional debido a sus colaboradores y a que tienen un número importante de circulación dentro del país. De igual manera estos diarios fueron seleccionados por tener posiciones ideológicas, así como líneas editoriales opuestas, las cuales nos permitirán no solo tener una mejor perspectiva de los acontecimientos que dieron origen a esas representaciones, sino que además estas diferencias nos posibilitarán ver como dependiendo de los intereses de los diarios los indios fueron representados.

The present essay aims to understand the depiction formulated by the opinion leaders at the Mexican capital’s press about the indigenous population after the Neozapatista Uprising in 1994 and its transformation throughout the years in which the guerrilla movement stood present at the media, until 2003. In this dissertation, I sustain the idea that the approximation between the guerrilla movement and the press resulted in a change in the image that the media constructed and spread, modifying the depiction that had happened until then about the indigenous people by rethinking the preestablished categories inside the Mexican imaginary, in addition to exposing and proposing new perspectives and ways of representation. Therefore, I begin at the idea that the opinion articles published by the press between 1994 and 2003 were able not only to rethink the image of the indigenous people but also to give the uprising a fundamental space that allowed it to have a communicational reach like never before a guerrilla have had, changing the Mexican’s political and social relations To reach such goals we have chosen to analyse two Mexico City’s newspapers, La Jornada and El Universal, which have been selected due to their active participation in representing the indigenous people between the studied time frame, also for being both of them diaries with widespread national recognition for its collaborators and with an important number of daily copies throughout the country. These newspapers also were selected by having opposite ideological positions and editorial lines of work, which allowed the essay to have not only a broader perspective of the facts and its representations, but also helped to show how the different interests changed the light in which the indigenous people were shown. / Este trabajo tiene como objetivo comprender la representación que los líderes de opinión construyeron en la prensa de la capital mexicana sobre los indígenas después del levantamiento neozapatista en 1994, así como su transformación a lo largo de los años en los que el movimiento guerrillero estuvo más presente en los medios de comunicación, específicamente en la prensa escrita abarcando hasta el año 2003. En esta disertación defiendo la idea de que gracias a la aproximación que tuvo el movimiento guerrillero con la prensa, se logró realizar sino un cambio en la imagen que se venía difundiendo sobre los indios, sí un debate importante entorno a la imagen que los medios construían y difundían sobre ellos, modificando la representación que hasta entonces se realizaba de estos al repensar las categorías ya preestablecidas dentro del imaginario mexicano, además de exponer y de proponer nuevas perspectivas y formas de representación. Así, parto de la idea de que los artículos de opinión que publicó la prensa desde 1994 hasta 2003, permitieron no solo repensar la imagen de los indios, sino también dotar al movimiento de un espacio fundamental que le posibilitó tener un alcance comunicacional importante ya que modificó las relaciones políticas y sociales mexicanas Para alcanzar dichos objetivos hemos decidido analizar dos periódicos de la ciudad de México: La Jornada y El Universal. La selección de estos se decidió en base a su participación activa para representar a los indígenas durante el periodo que estudiaremos, así como por ser diarios con un amplio reconocimiento nacional debido a sus colaboradores y a que tienen un número importante de circulación dentro del país. De igual manera estos diarios fueron seleccionados por tener posiciones ideológicas, así como líneas editoriales opuestas, las cuales nos permitirán no solo tener una mejor perspectiva de los acontecimientos que dieron origen a esas representaciones, sino que además estas diferencias nos posibilitarán ver como dependiendo de los intereses de los diarios los indios fueron representados.

O trabalho busca compor uma teoria etnográfica da política kaiowá, o que significa dizer que, a partir do trabalho de campo, elabora um modelo de compreensão dos movimentos coletivos desses indígenas de língua guarani e de suas formulações a esse respeito as quais, na tradução proposta aqui, corresponderiam, em parte, ao que nós, ocidentais, entendemos como política (estabelecendo, ainda, conexão com o que se vem denominando cosmopolítica). As formas políticas em análise aqui estão agrupadas em torno de três figuras de maior rendimento para a exposição: tendotá, johexakáry e aty. Por vezes, as formulações dizem respeito também aos Guarani de MS (falantes de ñandeva), uma vez que parte da pesquisa os alcança, e parte não. Para que sejam mais bem compreendidas, mostramos como essas formas podem ser postas em diálogo com relatos sobre diversas experiências políticas ameríndias, de grupos como os Tupinambá quinhentistas, os Iroqueses e os Maya de Chiapas, México. O trabalho também discute como a noção de redes sociais pode ajudar a repensar a versão canônica da história da região hoje habitada pelos Kaiowá e Guarani, o sul de Mato Grosso do Sul. / The work aims to compose an ethnographic theory of kaiowa politics, which means that, based on the fieldwork, it formulates a model for understanding the collective movements of this guarani speaking group and its statements about this subject which, in the translation proposed here, correspond in part to what we Westerners understand as politics (also establishing a connection with the so called \"cosmopolitics\"). The political forms under review are grouped around three characters of greater yield for discusssion: tendotá, johexakáry and aty. Sometimes, the statements also concern the Guarani (ñandeva speakers), as part of the research involves them, but not all of it. To promote a better understanding, we show how these forms can be brought into dialogue with accounts of diferent amerindian political experiences, among groups like the Tupinambá of sixteenth century, the Iroquois and the Maya of Chiapas, Mexico. The thesis also discusses how the notion of social networks can help to rethink the canonical version of the history of the region now inhabited by the Guarani and Kaiowá, the south of Mato Grosso do Sul.

O trabalho busca compor uma teoria etnográfica da política kaiowá, o que significa dizer que, a partir do trabalho de campo, elabora um modelo de compreensão dos movimentos coletivos desses indígenas de língua guarani e de suas formulações a esse respeito as quais, na tradução proposta aqui, corresponderiam, em parte, ao que nós, ocidentais, entendemos como política (estabelecendo, ainda, conexão com o que se vem denominando cosmopolítica). As formas políticas em análise aqui estão agrupadas em torno de três figuras de maior rendimento para a exposição: tendotá, johexakáry e aty. Por vezes, as formulações dizem respeito também aos Guarani de MS (falantes de ñandeva), uma vez que parte da pesquisa os alcança, e parte não. Para que sejam mais bem compreendidas, mostramos como essas formas podem ser postas em diálogo com relatos sobre diversas experiências políticas ameríndias, de grupos como os Tupinambá quinhentistas, os Iroqueses e os Maya de Chiapas, México. O trabalho também discute como a noção de redes sociais pode ajudar a repensar a versão canônica da história da região hoje habitada pelos Kaiowá e Guarani, o sul de Mato Grosso do Sul. / The work aims to compose an ethnographic theory of kaiowa politics, which means that, based on the fieldwork, it formulates a model for understanding the collective movements of this guarani speaking group and its statements about this subject which, in the translation proposed here, correspond in part to what we Westerners understand as politics (also establishing a connection with the so called \"cosmopolitics\"). The political forms under review are grouped around three characters of greater yield for discusssion: tendotá, johexakáry and aty. Sometimes, the statements also concern the Guarani (ñandeva speakers), as part of the research involves them, but not all of it. To promote a better understanding, we show how these forms can be brought into dialogue with accounts of diferent amerindian political experiences, among groups like the Tupinambá of sixteenth century, the Iroquois and the Maya of Chiapas, Mexico. The thesis also discusses how the notion of social networks can help to rethink the canonical version of the history of the region now inhabited by the Guarani and Kaiowá, the south of Mato Grosso do Sul.

The concept of peacebuilding holds enormous importance for international relations, particularly in regions facing impending violent conflict and those recovering from such conflict. However, in order for peacebuilding to be a viable alternative to traditional peace operations, scholars and practitioners need to have a shared understanding of what peacebuilding is and what goals it hopes to achieve, in addition to fluid strategies for implementation. This dissertation seeks to identify strategies for building sustainable peace through sustainable community development and democratization. Using a qualitative metasynthesis of five ethnographies conducted in Chiapas Mexico, this dissertation develops mid-range theories, or strategies, for building peace in Chiapas and in regions experiencing low-intensity conflict more generally. These strategies are based upon the development of Pluriethnic collective governance at the local level in regions that are experiencing low-intensity conflict related to indigenous communities. / Ph. D.