“The present work has been approached as a Mission Study. This is a wide enough category, but if I have had a model in mind, it has been E.J. Sharpe's study of the thought of J.N. Farquhar, published in the series, “Studia Missionalia Upsaliensia” ¹⁰ I have tried to take account of J. Kent's appeal, in an essay on “The History of Christian Missions in the Modern Era”, to take secular history more seriously “for its own sake”, than was the case in an earlier generation of mission studies.¹¹ Not that any other study of Andrews would have made much sense, so active and perspicuous a participant was he in that history. I have also suggested that it is helpful to see Andrews within the special context of The Cambridge Mission to Delhi and its distinctive theology of mission, and indeed, my argument that this theology found a new authentication in his work during these years, provides a framework to the thesis. Two omissions ought to be justified, I have not attempted an elaborate review of the 19th century background of “Protestant missionary thought”, desirable as this might have been, because this has been done very thoroughly in the first part of Sharpe's study referred to above. Sharpe's omission, however, of the Cambridge Mission to Delhi and of “the missions of the Catholic tradition” (“with one exception, the Oxford mission to Calcutta”) because they lie to “one side of the dominant Evangelical stream of missionary thought”, provides a convenient space in which to establish the distinctive approach of the Delhi Mission.¹² Another omission is any general survey of the history of the Cambridge Mission, partly because a useful one is already available, by F.J. Western, but partly also because the essential context of Andrews' work was the completely new situation that developed almost immediately after his arrival in India, for which the earlier activities of the Mission provided no precedents. The sources used are exclusively English sources for English was almost exclusively the language in which the matter of Indian nationalism at this stage, and of Hindu reformation and of much of progressive Indian Islam occurred.¹³ For the unpublished sources for this study, I have relied largely on the well-known collections, in particular the archives of the C.M.D. and of S.P.G., the papers of two of the viceroys, Minto and Hardinge, and the correspondence of Tagore, Munshi Ram and Gandhi. The published sources have been in many ways quite as important as the unpublished, for Andrews became, from late 1906, something of a compulsive communicator in the nationalist press, and the evidence for his developing thought is to a considerable extent in print here. Many of these published sources are excessively rare. Thus, for example, there is, in India, only one surviving run of the St. Stephen's College Magazine for these years, and the same is true of the journal, Young Men of India, while there is in Britain only one microfilm copy of the nationalist newspaper, the Tribune, so important for this study. Because of the interest of much of this source material, and a wish to make it more accessible, I have allowed the notes to tend towards the copious. A full account of these sources is given in the Bibliography. Although, as is said above, Andrews' approach to his work, as representing a sort of realization of a distinctive theology of mission, provides a thesis on which this study is constructed, it is perhaps more important simply to claim a profound intrinsic interest in the story of this "gentle, eager and many-sided saint” ¹⁴ and in his perception of the necessities, still far from fulfilled, of a Christian response to the Asian revolution.” – from the Introduction.

The dissertation takes as its central problem the priority and value of nonviolent and pragmatic social epistemology. Many concede the desirability of nonviolent problem solving, but quickly and unreflectively assent to violence when the imagination fails to procure viable alternatives. Moreover, the kind and quality of knowledge gained through the use of nonviolence, it is argued, is far superior to the kind and quality of knowledge gained through the use of violence. This dissertation attempts to settle the discussion of the priority and value of nonviolence as a social epistemology by arguing for, and ultimately proving with the use of rationale and empirical evidence, that pragmatic nonviolence has more social-epistemological and/or value as knowledge than the available violent alternatives. Neither modern nor post-modern violence are able to produce knowledge with quite the same staying power, lasting effects, and high quality than that which is generated through what I call "pragmatic nonviolence." Traditionally, for a variety of biased reasons, classical American pragmatism has not taken a stand for either philosophical or methodological nonviolence. This unfortunate situation will, I hope, change with the argument in this dissertation. The issue of whether or not the social-epistemological value of pragmatic nonviolence, as a philosophical movement, has the potential to steer the course of contemporary social, political, and moral pragmatism into the 21st century, has largely been settled. The discussion and analysis offered in chapter one focuses primarily on the logic of domination, violent knowing, and violent realism. Historical context is provided to situate the central problems, compare sources of knowledge, and explore the relationship between violence and knowledge. The views of Sun Tzu, Carl von Clausewitz, The United States Military Academy, Wendy Hamblet, Crispin Sartwell, Judith Bradford, and Aaron Fortune receive primary attention in chapter one. Chapter two focuses primarily on the development of a radically empirical social epistemology and theory of concept formation. I examine the roots of social epistemology and describe the problem of learning theory and concept formation through notions of habit, conduct, and struggle. The views of John Dewey, Paulo Freire, and Leonard Harris receive attention in this section of chapter two. I conclude this chapter by outlining concepts of peace and social justice as they demonstrate how social knowledge is created pragmatically. The views of Martin Luther King, Jr., Duane Cady, and Steven Lee receive attention in the latter section of chapter two. The analysis offered in chapter three centers on what I claim generates better knowledge: pragmatic nonviolence. The first section of chapter three describes the kind of normative epistemology I advocate and how pragmatic nonviolence offers qualitatively better knowledge than the alternatives. The views of C.S. Peirce, John Dewey, and Edgar Sheffield Brightman are considered in this section. The second section details the extent and value of uniting pragmatism and nonviolence, the need for a distinctly pragmatic conception of nonviolence, prophetic pragmatism, and American personalism. The views of Mohandas Gandhi, Martin Luther King, Jr., Cornel West, and Randall Auxier are treated in this part. The third and fourth sections of chapter three applies the theories advanced in previous sections and chapters to demonstrate how pragmatic nonviolence generates better knowledge. The views of Myles Horton and Bob Moses are considered at length.

American minister John Graham Lake (1870-1935) was a pivotal participant in an era of profound religious and political transition. Surprisingly, Lake's often provocative life had previously been largely neglected as a field of academic inquiry. In the U.S. Lake associated with key Holiness, Wesleyan and Apostolic Faith charismatics like John Alexander Dowie of the Zion City, Illinois Utopia, Charles Parham of the Topeka Revival and William Seymour of the Azusa Street Revival. Lake served as an important intermediary between Parham's often reactionary, white orientation that was unreceptive to an enthusiastic black liturgy and Seymour's expansive African-American egalitarianism expressed through exuberant spirit manifestations. Lake's South African ministry was shaped by his middle class white business background, Azusa Street message and American perspectives. He brought together the faith healing movement inspired by Dutch Reformed minister Andrew Murray, P. Ie Roux's black and white Zion charismatic adherents affiliated with Dowie and the new U.S. Pentecostalism of Parham and Seymour. Lake's African-American influenced Pentecostalism was compatible with indigenous African worship. His emphasis on the spiritual needs of the disempowered found a receptive audience in talented black evangelists Elias Letwaba and Edward Lion. Even though acquainted with Mohandas Gandhi, Lake did not undertake a South African social gospel-type civil protest against societal injustice. In fact, Lake's participation with Afrikaner politicians like Louis Botha in fashioning a segregationist land use law was most troubling. Lake was ambivalent about racial integration. His belief in an egalitarian status for all Christians, his Populist/Progressive ethics and his enthusiastic promotion of women's rights were complicated by his advocacy, or at least tolerance, of some disparate racial treatment in his Apostolic Faith Mission and South African society at large. Lake's paternalism and notion of Westem cultural superiority conflicted with his love of all persons. Lake's otherworldly prioritization of individual spiritualism over a socioeconomic agenda usually stymied activism. His uncharacteristic use of nonviolent protest to protect faith healing formed a remarkable contrast with his reluctance to actively campaign against unequal racial treatment in Africa and America. Historiographical perspectives on Lake range from the saintly pioneer charismatic missionary to the Elmer Gantry type charlatan acting only for personal benefit. Lake was a unique personality with his flamboyant rhetoric, strong convictions and feelings of personal worth. His distinctive Jesus as healing and suffering God theology evidenced both consistency with precedent as well as creative anticipation. Shortcomings resulting from his preference to address social concerns on an individual spiritual rather than societal level, his liberties with truth and his bad business judgments resulting in litigation. Nevertheless, Lake's life demonstrated that a gifted but imperfect instrument could accomplish a meaningful ministry. / Adobe Acrobat Pro 9.5.4 / Adobe Acrobat 9.54 Paper Capture Plug-in

This study examines a specific current of political thought in South Africa, which is sometimes identified - in a way which obscures its character and development - as Afrikaner liberalism. This current of thought has as its core a defence of free speech in its classical, rather than modem liberal, sense as a precondition for a good society, rather than an individual right. The study traces this current from its sources in the uneven development of Western political thought in the 18th and 19th centuries, and through its development in South Africa from the mid-19th century to the present. I argue that this current of thought extends beyond Afrikaner political and intellectual life, that it is best interpreted as a tradition of dialectical thought, and that it represents the most distinctive and enduring form of dialectical thought in South Africa. In the aftermath ,0fthe American and French Revolutions, the central concepts in Western political thought were transformed, and in the process the classical republican idea of freedom - including freedom of speech - as the collective power of an active citizenry was displaced by the liberal idea of freedom as an individual right, which each could choose to exercise or not. By examining the ways in which the legacy of Socrates was re-interpreted in this time, and assimilated into liberal political thought, we can see how the dialectical capacities of that legacy came to be blunted in the process. In the Netherlands, however, the republican legacy of Socrates lived on, and a distinctive dialectical tradition emerged - especially within liberal Protestantism - which had considerable influence on intellectual life in the Cape Colony during the middle decades of the 19th century. The characteristic ideas and arguments of the dialectical tradition in South Africa emerged in the major intellectual conflict of that time - the so-called 'liberalism struggle' in the Dutch Reformed Church. Theological liberalism had been defeated by the 1870s, and its defeat cleared the way for a more conservative appropriation of the classical legacy - in which leading Cape liberals were prominent. But that legacy also served as a source for a dissenting view of history articulated by individuals of diverse political convictions - J.W.G. van Oordt, Olive Schreiner, Gandhi and others. This tradition found a more enduring institutional base in the academic discipline of philosophy at Stellenbosch, in the aftermath of the du Plessis case of 1928-32. The Stellenbosch philosophical tradition came to be transformed in the 1940s by a younger generation, largely through the assimilation of themes from Kierkegaard. Its themes were developed further in the work of Johan Degenaar, which led during the years of apartheid conformity to a vigorous critique of dogmatism and a dialectical account of the moral tasks of the individual. Sometime after 1970, however, as the apartheid regime began its attempts at pragmatic reform, this .tradition reached the limits of its call for oop gesprek. Central themes from this tradition were to be re-invented in the dialectical thought of Breyten Breytenbach, after the collapse of his venture into revolutionary politics in 1975, drawing on the dialectical capacities of Western Marxism, but seeking to deploy them in a more open-ended and dialogical way. Breytenbach's project had strong parallels with the work of Richard Turner, the major figure in the assimilation of Western Marxist ideas within the trade union and student movements in South Africa, which are also explored here. The most immediate context in which the future direction of this tradition is being decided is that of the new politics of Afrikaans, which has drawn on the legacy of Afrikaner opposition to apartheid and on Breytenbach's dialectical critique of the negotiated settlement in South Africa, but has at the same time failed to develop a collective alternative to the liberal capitalist model of freedom whose dominance threatens cultural and linguistic diversity

Submitted by Adriana Alves Rodrigues (aalves@espm.br) on 2017-11-28T12:51:35Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Francisco Silva Mitraud.pdf: 8279045 bytes, checksum: 565f9aee2b4c5e12bec917af991c690a (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Adriana Alves Rodrigues (aalves@espm.br) on 2017-11-28T12:52:14Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Francisco Silva Mitraud.pdf: 8279045 bytes, checksum: 565f9aee2b4c5e12bec917af991c690a (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Ana Cristina Ropero (ana@espm.br) on 2017-12-01T11:20:49Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Francisco Silva Mitraud.pdf: 8279045 bytes, checksum: 565f9aee2b4c5e12bec917af991c690a (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-12-01T11:22:30Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Francisco Silva Mitraud.pdf: 8279045 bytes, checksum: 565f9aee2b4c5e12bec917af991c690a (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-03-31 / The aim of this research is to problematize the mediatic representation of contemporary mobilizations, through an object that we call body-multitude. Our problem is to understand which senses are produced, especially by the printed media, in relation to the multitudes that articulate themselves to resist the hegemonic. For this, we carried out a review of the literature, in order to constitute a cartography of the various concepts about human collectives, from Rome and Greece, to the present day. Since classical antiquity, significant parts of society have been kept apart from power and the state. In contemporary times, authors such as Antonio Negri and Michael Hardt, Maurizio Lazzarato and Paolo Virno, based on the conception of Baruch de Espinoza, reflect on the mobilizations of the late twentieth and early twenty first centuries that confront the hegemonic, and conclude that these multitudes appear as a response and the possibility of new forms of democracy. From this perspective, the multitudes have in the body the essence of their nature, since it is from their plural and heterogeneous character that their biopotential emanates. In the past, the body, in its singularity, could resist and represent a collective - Gandhi and Mandela are both good examples. In postmodernity, its preponderance in the power relations remains, but mobilized to constitute with other bodies the biopotent multitude. To answer our research problem, we created a corpus with photographic images and texts from newspapers, magazines and alternative media that broadcast news about the demonstrations in Brazil in 2013 and 2016. To analyze it we fundamentally used the Theory-method of French discourse analysis, with emphasis on the intericonicity, device proposed by Courtine. The literature review and the corpus make it clear that the senses attributed to the multitude are unstable. Based on the findings, we conclude that, although the contemporary multitude is characterized by its plurality and heterogeneity, at all times there is a displacement of meanings, produced by textual-imagistic compositions, that bind it to previous conceptions and deny its nature and biopotential. The recurrence of these compositions was object of analysis which result is the proposal of six categories. The analysis also reveals an ontological impossibility of the imagetic representation of the multitude and that the printed media not only co-opts their discourses, but also produces meanings antagonistic to their nature, usually linking them to violence and to illegality and disqualifying their objectives. / O objetivo desta pesquisa é problematizar a representação midiática das mobilizações contemporâneas, por meio de um objeto que denominamos corpo-multidão. Nosso problema é compreender quais sentidos são produzidos, principalmente pela mídia impressa, em relação às multidões que se articulam para resistir ao hegemônico. Para tanto, realizamos uma revisão de literatura, a fim de constituir uma cartografia de conceitos sobre os coletivos humanos desenvolvidos por pesquisadores que se dedicaram ao tema, desde Roma e Grécia aos dias atuais. Desde a antiguidade clássica, numerosos grupos de pessoas foram mantidos à margem do poder e do Estado. Na contemporaneidade, autores como Antonio Negri e Michael Hardt, Maurizio Lazzarato e Paolo Virno, partindo da conceituação de Baruch de Espinoza, refletem sobre as mobilizações, que confrontam o hegemônico no final do século XX e início do XXI, e concluem que essas multidões surgem como resposta e possibilidade de novas formas de democracia. Nessa perspectiva, as multidões têm no corpo a expressão de sua natureza, posto que é de seu caráter plural e heterogêneo que emana sua biopotência. Outrora o corpo, na sua singularidade, poderia resistir e representar um coletivo – Gandhi e Mandela, por exemplo. Na pós-modernidade, em contexto de centralidade da mídia, sua preponderância nas relações de poder permanece, mas mobilizado para constituir com outros corpos a multidão biopotente. Para responder ao problema da pesquisa, constituímos um corpus com imagens fotográficas e textos de jornais, revistas e mídia alternativa que veicularam notícias sobre as manifestações no Brasil em 2013 e em 2016. Para analisá-lo, utilizamos fundamentalmente a teoria-método da Análise de Discurso de Linha Francesa, com destaque para o conceito de intericonicidade proposto por Courtine. A revisão de literatura e o corpus evidenciam que os sentidos atribuídos à multidão são instáveis. Por meio dos achados, concluímos que, embora a multidão contemporânea seja caracterizada por sua pluralidade e heterogeneidade, a todo momento há deslocamento de sentidos, produzido por composições imagético-textuais que a vinculam a sentidos precedentes e silenciam sua natureza e biopotência. A recorrência dessas composições foi objeto de análise, cujos resultados levaram à proposição de seis categorias sobre os modos de produção de sentidos. A análise revela ainda haver uma impossibilidade ontológica da representação imagética das multidões, e que a mídia impressa não apenas coopta seus discursos, bem como produz sentidos antagônicos à sua natureza, normalmente dando ênfase à violência, à ilegalidade e desqualificando seus objetivos.

Després d’haver estat un dels mites més habituals del cinema hindustànic gairebé de forma continuada des dels anys vint i, per tant, des de pràcticament els inicis de la producció de pel#lícules índies fins a les darreries de la dècada dels noranta, amb el seu punt més àlgid en els anys seixanta i vuitanta del segle passat, semblaria que el tema de la cortesana comença a recular al segle vint-i-u. No obstant això, la tawaif hi apareix de forma reiterada. De fet, la tawaif s’està mantenint en el cinema hindustànic en forma de mite inconscient i subjacent com si fos un avatar general on fa la funció d’una estructura que permet manifestar tant l’artista real, o item girl, com la vamp, o noia independent d’avui. Dit de manera més directa, la tradició històrica d’entreteniment que ve associada amb la tawaif contribueix a l’estructura narrativa del cinema hindustànic en tant que usa poesia urdú per a lletres de cançons, espectacles de dansa i coreografies clàssiques i modernes. El text cinemàtic hindustànic ha estat i és, per tant, en sí mateix i per sobre de tot, una performance viva de la tawaif que convida a l’observació, que es manifesta transformant la cultura i que, quan actua, ho fa amb l’economia al cap –com qualsevol altra indústria. Començo amb una explotació de la tawaif històrica i m’endinso en el context de la seva vida quotidiana, enmig de mons d’art i de subtilesa extrema, com també en el sòrdid univers de la prostitució. Tal com era de preveure, les recepcions envers la indecisió moral de la tawaif han estat tradicionalment hostils i la justícia de la gent ha fet estranyes parelles dins la varietat de contextos temporals i espacials on s’ha tocat el tema, des dels britànics a Mahatma Gandhi, passant per Nehru, l’extrema dreta hindú, els fonamentalistes islàmics i moltes feministes quan arribà el moment de cloure l’univers de la tawaif, dislocat en dos patrimonis divergents, el del cos i el de la ment. El rebuig de la majoria dels períodes històrics de l’Índia a associar la sexualitat amb el refinament, o a conjugar la sexualitat amb la puresa, o a explorar el paper de les dones que eren víctimes d’una estructura patriarcal en la què els homes se’n beneficiaven i quedaven exculpats han convertit la tawaif històrica en una subalterna, malgrat que ella gaudís sense complexos amb la reialesa. D’acord amb Judith Butler, jutjo la identitat de la tawaif no com algú que és, sinó com algú que s’esdevé i, principalment, com a locus per a la nostàlgia, la natalitat, la mort i, narrativament parlant, com a boc expiatori, com el boc que se sacrifica pel bé de la polis. La presència/absència de la cortesana destapa la dinàmica de l’espectacle pel què fa al text del cinema hindustànic, la seva funció en el text fílmic i, en gran mesura, en el context social. De fet, es podria argumentar que la cortesana està present en el cinema hindustànic a través de representacions de dones i d’estructures patriarcals tot i que, de forma més general, ho està en termes de relacions de poder. El cinema hindustànic porta dins seu el mite de la cortesana, encara que, d’una manera o altra, la realitat és que és la cortesana la que porta el cinema hindustànic dins seu. No en va, les posicions eticoideològiques del cinema hindustànic mostren també moltes correspondències amb el món de la cortesana i la seva funció d’entreteniment. / After acting as a staple myth of the Hindustani cinema text almost continuously from the 1920s and nearly the start of Indian film-making to the late 1990s, with its heyday in the 1960s - 1980s, the courtesan as motif starts ebbing away in the new century, but keeps re-appearing, sometimes obliquely and sometimes directly as postmodern revisiting, brief ‘cameo’ acts, nostalgic clin d’oeils, or as remakes. In fact, as an underlying unconscious myth, the tawaif persists, but as a more general avatar, as a structure that gives rise to a variety of manifestations: the ‘item girl’, the vamp, today’s independent girl or more directly, the tradition of entertainment the historical tawaif carries, informs the narrative structure of Hindustani cinema in terms of Urdu poetry in song lyrics, and dance performance, classical or modern choreography. Above all, the Hindustani cinematic text itself is and has been a tawaif-life performance, inviting the gaze, acting – as any industry – with economics in mind and cultural transformation as manifestation. As with the tawaif’s performance, the subversive is watered down with concessions to bourgeois family values and economic priorities. I start with an exploration of the historical tawaif, especially of Lucknow, in 19th century India. I delve into the context of her everyday life, astride worlds of extreme subtlety (tehzeeb) and art, and the sordid world of prostitution. Receptions to the moral undecidability of her world have been predictably hostile. A common self-righteousness made, within a variety of spatial and temporal contexts, strange bedfellows of the British, of Mahatma Gandhi, of Nehru, of the Hindu extreme-right and the Muslim fundamentalist, of many feminists when it came to closing down the world of the tawaif and its dislocation into a body versus mind heritage. The refusal of most periods to envisage sexuality and refinement, or to conjugate sexuality and purity, or to explore women as victims of a patriarchal structure whereas the men who benefit from it are excused, have made of the historical tawaif a subaltern despite her cavorting with royalty. In line with Judith Butler, we assess her identity not as being but as becoming, mostly as a locus of nostalgia, a temporal relationship of natality/morbidity, and, narratively, as scapegoat, the ‘goat’ offered to sacrifice for the good of the polis. As with any manifestation of the unconscious, the mythological cannot be retrieved directly, but metaphorically, metonymically and retrospectively. The courtesan’s presence/absence uncovers the dynamics of her performance by the Hindustani cinema text, her function in the filmic text and more generally in the social context. In fact, one can argue, the courtesan is present through representations of women and patriarchal structures in Hindustani cinema but more generally, in terms of relations of power. Hindustani cinema carries the myth of the courtesan, but in many ways it is the courtesan who carries Hindustani cinema. The historical courtesan pre-dates Hindustani cinema, but somehow the tradition of entertainment she carries informs the narrative structure of Hindustani cinema. Hindustani cinema’s ethico-ideological stances also show many mise-en-abyme correspondences with the world of the courtesan as entertainers. I use Cultural Studies in my investigation as complemented by feminist film theory, especially when concerned with spectatorship and identity-construction.and other critical theories.

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / Este trabalho aproxima as contribuições da teoria das representações sociais e dos estudos em memória social para a compreensão do campo religioso, especificamente o Espiritismo, reconhecendo a importância da recordação de personalidades para a dinâmica religiosa. Esta pesquisa objetiva analisar o conteúdo da representação social de perfeição, o conteúdo e estrutura da memória de personalidades do Espiritismo e a relação entre ambos. Trata-se de estudo descritivo, desenvolvido em duas etapas. Participaram 75 participantes auto-declarados espíritas - 38 na primeira etapa e 37 na segunda, sendo entrevistados 24 desses. Os participantes, em média, possuíam 37,3 anos de idade e 16,7 anos como espíritas. Na primeira fase aplicou-se, através da Internet, a técnica de evocações livres com o termo indutor espíritos superiores, na qual os participantes respondiam que pessoas se associavam ao termo. Na segunda, prosseguiu-se com as evocações livres e questionário, para caracterização dos participantes. A partir das doze personalidades mais lembradas, realizou-se entrevista semi-estruturada, com questões sobre características, virtudes, lembranças, hierarquia das personalidades, e questões sobre o significado da perfeição e como alcançá-la. Os dados das evocações foram analisados através das técnicas do quadro de quatro casas e construção de árvore máxima de similitude. As entrevistas foram analisadas mediante análise categorial temática. Assim, verificou-se que as personalidades mais recordadas foram: Chico Xavier, Jesus, Allan Kardec, Emmanuel, Bezerra de Menezes, Madre Teresa de Calcutá, Joanna de Ângelis, Gandhi, André Luiz, Francisco de Assis, Maria de Nazaré e Divaldo P. Franco. A representação social de perfeição foi expressa, de modo simplificado, na sentença: um caminho, difícil e longo, em que o ser humano sai da sua condição de inferioridade para a perfeição, através do conhecimento (proveniente do trabalho, do estudo e do auto-conhecimento), livrando-se do seu egoísmo e expressando o amor, tal como demonstrado e vivido por Jesus. Verificou-se, ainda, que essas memórias se organizam, principalmente, em dois modelos de valores complementares no Espiritismo: 1) conhecimento, inteligência, razão, estudo, livro e 2) amor, vivência, fé, trabalho, exemplo. Eles se constituem nas duas condições essenciais para se alcançar essa perfeição. O primeiro modelo está principalmente personificado na figura de Allan Kardec e o segundo, em Jesus. Nesse sentido, o Espiritismo opera na mente dos fiéis, uma síntese entre ambos os modelos, tendo em Chico Xavier a personificação dessa síntese, constituindo-se como tipo ideal de espírita. / This work resorts to the contributions of both social representations theory and the studies about social memory in order to understand the religious field Spiritism in particular considering the importance to remind personalities in religious practices. This survey aims to analyze the contents of social representation of perfection, the contents and structure of Spiritism personalities memory as well as their relation. This is a descriptive study carried out in two sessions involving 75 self-declared Spiritism subjects with 38 people in the first session and 37 in the sec ond, being 24 of them interviewed. The participants are, on average, 37.3 years old who have been engaged in Spiritism for 16.7 years. A free-evocation technique with an inducing term Superior Spirits was applied in the first session through the Internet as the participants claimed that people were associated with the term. In the second session, we used free evocations and questionnaires in order to characterize the participants. Based on the 12 most reminded personalities, we had a semi-structured interview with questions about characteristics, virtues, memories, personality hierarchy, and questions on the meaning of perfection and how to reach it. The evocation data were analyzed through the four-housed chart techniques along with the EVOC 2003 software and the construction of the maximum similitude tree. Analyzing the interviews through the thematic categorial analysis, we figured out that the most reminded personalities were Chico Xavier, Jesus, Allan Kardec, Emmanuel, Bezerra de Menezes, Mother Teresa of Calcutta, Joanna de Ângelis, Mohandas K. Gandhi, André Luiz, Francis of Assisi, Mary (mother of Jesus), and Divaldo P. Franco. The social representation of perfection was simplified and expressed in the sentence: the hard and long way human being follow when leaving his inferiority condition to reach perfection through knowledge (obtained from labor, study, self-knowledge), getting rid of selfishness and expressing love, as demonstrated and experienced by Jesus. We also concluded that these memories are mainly organized into two complementary value patterns in Spiritism: 1) knowledge, intelligence, rationality, study, literature and 2) Love, experience, faith, labor, example. They comprise two basic conditions to reach that perfection. The first pattern is mainly personalized in Allan Kardecs image, and the second in Jesus. According to this view, we can ascertain that Spiritism operates in the faithfulls mind, a synthesis between both patterns, being Chico Xavier its personification and thus regarded as the ideal type of spiritist

O trabalho humano nem sempre foi considerado tarefa dignificante. Na Grécia e em Roma, na Antiguidade, as tarefas braçais eram desempenhadas por escravos, cabendo à classe abastada dedicar-se à filosofia ou a atividades ligadas às guerras. No período feudal, a escravidão foi substituída pela servidão; porém, isso não representou uma melhora de vida para os novos subjugados. Com o desmantelamento do feudalismo e do absolutismo, surgia, na sociedade agrária inglesa, o capitalismo que, mais tarde, seria utilizado pela Revolução Industrial. O trabalho passou, dessa forma, por uma revalorização conceitual, significando o centro da identidade humana na sociedade. Surgia a figura do emprego e do desemprego. A vida passou a ser sincronizada pelo relógio da fábrica, através de uma sistemática na automação denominada taylorismo e fordismo, o que propiciou um incremento na produção industrial e gerou um aumento expressivo nos lucros. O sistema capitalista começou a dar sinais de desgaste, e o desemprego passou a ser estrutural e tecnológico. Surge o toyotismo, trazendo a flexibilização e a desregulamentação das relações de trabalho. O desemprego passou a ter contornos epidêmicos, o que foi agravado pela evolução tecnológica e pelo surgimento da globalização. A crise do capitalismo foi revelada pelas contradições sociais, sendo que a riqueza de poucos era sustentada pela pobreza de muitos. Além disso, os danos ao meio ambiente colocaram em risco a vida no planeta Terra. A sociedade pós-industrial, também chamada Era do Conhecimento , vive período de transição e aposta alternativas: o terceiro setor pesquisa novas formas de produção de energia, simultaneidade do trabalho e tempo livre, o ressurgimento do socialismo, a modificação de padrões éticos. Na tarefa de reconstrução do futuro, deve-se levar em consideração que a busca do conhecimento científico-tecnológico deve agir em prol da humanidade, deixando de ser instrumento de aumento de riqueza capitalista. Assim, na busca de sinalizadores que indiquem a rota a ser tomada, utilizando-se a metáfora dos fogos de santelmo, entende-se que a solução está na modificação dos princípios éticos. Edgar Morin chama isso de antropo-ética; Sócrates e Platão afirmam isso através do verdadeiro conhecimento, da felicidade e do idealismo; Aristóteles indica a justiça como a maior virtude; Cícero nos mostra a ética estóica através do respeito a si próprio, ao universo e às leis cósmicas; a doutrina cristã prega esses princípios por intermédio do amor, da caridade e da justiça; Kant nos ensina o imperativo categórico; Gandhi ensina a não-violência. / Submitted by Marcelo Teixeira (mvteixeira@ucs.br) on 2014-05-15T17:24:05Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertacao Francisco O C Kury.pdf: 572697 bytes, checksum: 4662808da3007192f9cc8d9e519f7a84 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2014-05-15T17:24:05Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertacao Francisco O C Kury.pdf: 572697 bytes, checksum: 4662808da3007192f9cc8d9e519f7a84 (MD5) / The human labour wasn t always considered as worthy task. In Greece and Rome, in the Antiquity, the manual tasks were done by slaves, fitting to the supplied class the dedication on philosophy or activities related to wars. In the feudal period, the slavery was replaced by the servitude, but it did not represent an improvement of life for the new overwhelmd. With the dismantle of the feudalism and the absolutism, it began, in the English field society, the capitalism that, later, would be used by the Industrial Revolution. The labour passed, this way, through a conceptual revaluing, meaning the center of the human being identity in the society. The employment and unemployment was born. Life started to be sycronized with the worktime by an automation system called taylorism and fordism, which created an increment on the industrial production and an expressive increase in the profits. The capitalist system started to give wear out signals, and the unemployment started to be structural and technological. The toyotism appears, bringing the flexibilization and the deregulation of the work relations. The unemployment started to have epidemic contours, what got worse with the technological evolution and the sprouting of the globalization. The crisis of the capitalism was disclosed through the social contradictions, such as the wealth of few was supported by the poverty of many, moreover, damages to the environment put the life on earth at risk The postindustrial society, also called Age of the Knowledge , lives a period of transition and bets in alternatives: the third sector, research in new forms of energy production, concurrence of work and free time, the reappearance of the socialism, the changes of ethical standards. As task of reconstruction of the future it must be led in consideration that the search of the technological-scientific knowledge must act in favour of humanity, and stop being instrument of increase of capitalist wealth. Therefore, in search of beepers that indicate the route to be taken, and using the metaphor of St. Elmo s Fire), it s understandable that the solution is in the modification of the ethical principles: Edgar Morin calls it antropo-ethics; Sócrates and Platão affirm this through the true knowledge, the happiness and the idealism; Aristóteles indicates justice as the biggest virtue; Cícero shows us the stoic ethics through the self-respect, to the universe and its cosmic laws; the Christian doctrine fold these principles through love, charity and justice; Kant teaches the categorical imperative; Gandhi teaches the not-violence.

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / Este trabalho aproxima as contribuições da teoria das representações sociais e dos estudos em memória social para a compreensão do campo religioso, especificamente o Espiritismo, reconhecendo a importância da recordação de personalidades para a dinâmica religiosa. Esta pesquisa objetiva analisar o conteúdo da representação social de perfeição, o conteúdo e estrutura da memória de personalidades do Espiritismo e a relação entre ambos. Trata-se de estudo descritivo, desenvolvido em duas etapas. Participaram 75 participantes auto-declarados espíritas - 38 na primeira etapa e 37 na segunda, sendo entrevistados 24 desses. Os participantes, em média, possuíam 37,3 anos de idade e 16,7 anos como espíritas. Na primeira fase aplicou-se, através da Internet, a técnica de evocações livres com o termo indutor espíritos superiores, na qual os participantes respondiam que pessoas se associavam ao termo. Na segunda, prosseguiu-se com as evocações livres e questionário, para caracterização dos participantes. A partir das doze personalidades mais lembradas, realizou-se entrevista semi-estruturada, com questões sobre características, virtudes, lembranças, hierarquia das personalidades, e questões sobre o significado da perfeição e como alcançá-la. Os dados das evocações foram analisados através das técnicas do quadro de quatro casas e construção de árvore máxima de similitude. As entrevistas foram analisadas mediante análise categorial temática. Assim, verificou-se que as personalidades mais recordadas foram: Chico Xavier, Jesus, Allan Kardec, Emmanuel, Bezerra de Menezes, Madre Teresa de Calcutá, Joanna de Ângelis, Gandhi, André Luiz, Francisco de Assis, Maria de Nazaré e Divaldo P. Franco. A representação social de perfeição foi expressa, de modo simplificado, na sentença: um caminho, difícil e longo, em que o ser humano sai da sua condição de inferioridade para a perfeição, através do conhecimento (proveniente do trabalho, do estudo e do auto-conhecimento), livrando-se do seu egoísmo e expressando o amor, tal como demonstrado e vivido por Jesus. Verificou-se, ainda, que essas memórias se organizam, principalmente, em dois modelos de valores complementares no Espiritismo: 1) conhecimento, inteligência, razão, estudo, livro e 2) amor, vivência, fé, trabalho, exemplo. Eles se constituem nas duas condições essenciais para se alcançar essa perfeição. O primeiro modelo está principalmente personificado na figura de Allan Kardec e o segundo, em Jesus. Nesse sentido, o Espiritismo opera na mente dos fiéis, uma síntese entre ambos os modelos, tendo em Chico Xavier a personificação dessa síntese, constituindo-se como tipo ideal de espírita. / This work resorts to the contributions of both social representations theory and the studies about social memory in order to understand the religious field Spiritism in particular considering the importance to remind personalities in religious practices. This survey aims to analyze the contents of social representation of perfection, the contents and structure of Spiritism personalities memory as well as their relation. This is a descriptive study carried out in two sessions involving 75 self-declared Spiritism subjects with 38 people in the first session and 37 in the sec ond, being 24 of them interviewed. The participants are, on average, 37.3 years old who have been engaged in Spiritism for 16.7 years. A free-evocation technique with an inducing term Superior Spirits was applied in the first session through the Internet as the participants claimed that people were associated with the term. In the second session, we used free evocations and questionnaires in order to characterize the participants. Based on the 12 most reminded personalities, we had a semi-structured interview with questions about characteristics, virtues, memories, personality hierarchy, and questions on the meaning of perfection and how to reach it. The evocation data were analyzed through the four-housed chart techniques along with the EVOC 2003 software and the construction of the maximum similitude tree. Analyzing the interviews through the thematic categorial analysis, we figured out that the most reminded personalities were Chico Xavier, Jesus, Allan Kardec, Emmanuel, Bezerra de Menezes, Mother Teresa of Calcutta, Joanna de Ângelis, Mohandas K. Gandhi, André Luiz, Francis of Assisi, Mary (mother of Jesus), and Divaldo P. Franco. The social representation of perfection was simplified and expressed in the sentence: the hard and long way human being follow when leaving his inferiority condition to reach perfection through knowledge (obtained from labor, study, self-knowledge), getting rid of selfishness and expressing love, as demonstrated and experienced by Jesus. We also concluded that these memories are mainly organized into two complementary value patterns in Spiritism: 1) knowledge, intelligence, rationality, study, literature and 2) Love, experience, faith, labor, example. They comprise two basic conditions to reach that perfection. The first pattern is mainly personalized in Allan Kardecs image, and the second in Jesus. According to this view, we can ascertain that Spiritism operates in the faithfulls mind, a synthesis between both patterns, being Chico Xavier its personification and thus regarded as the ideal type of spiritist

Este trabalho aproxima as contribuições da teoria das representações sociais e dos estudos em memória social para a compreensão do campo religioso, especificamente o Espiritismo, reconhecendo a importância da recordação de personalidades para a dinâmica religiosa. Esta pesquisa objetiva analisar o conteúdo da representação social de perfeição, o conteúdo e estrutura da memória de personalidades do Espiritismo e a relação entre ambos. Trata-se de estudo descritivo, desenvolvido em duas etapas. Participaram 75 participantes auto-declarados espíritas - 38 na primeira etapa e 37 na segunda, sendo entrevistados 24 desses. Os participantes, em média, possuíam 37,3 anos de idade e 16,7 anos como espíritas. Na primeira fase aplicou-se, através da Internet, a técnica de evocações livres com o termo indutor “espíritos superiores”, na qual os participantes respondiam que pessoas se associavam ao termo. Na segunda, prosseguiu-se com as evocações livres e questionário, para caracterização dos participantes. A partir das doze personalidades mais lembradas, realizou-se entrevista semi-estruturada, com questões sobre características, virtudes, lembranças, hierarquia das personalidades, e questões sobre o significado da perfeição e como alcançá-la. Os dados das evocações foram analisados através das técnicas do quadro de quatro casas e construção de árvore máxima de similitude. As entrevistas foram analisadas mediante análise categorial temática. Assim, verificou-se que as personalidades mais recordadas foram: Chico Xavier, Jesus, Allan Kardec, Emmanuel, Bezerra de Menezes, Madre Teresa de Calcutá, Joanna de Ângelis, Gandhi, André Luiz, Francisco de Assis, Maria de Nazaré e Divaldo P. Franco. A representação social de perfeição foi expressa, de modo simplificado, na sentença: um caminho, difícil e longo, em que o ser humano sai da sua condição de inferioridade para a perfeição, através do conhecimento (proveniente do trabalho, do estudo e do auto-conhecimento), livrando-se do seu egoísmo e expressando o amor, tal como demonstrado e vivido por Jesus. Verificou-se, ainda, que essas memórias se organizam, principalmente, em dois modelos de valores complementares no Espiritismo: 1) conhecimento, inteligência, razão, estudo, livro e 2) amor, vivência, fé, trabalho, exemplo. Eles se constituem nas duas condições essenciais para se alcançar essa perfeição. O primeiro modelo está principalmente personificado na figura de Allan Kardec e o segundo, em Jesus. Nesse sentido, o Espiritismo opera na mente dos fiéis, uma síntese entre ambos os modelos, tendo em Chico Xavier a personificação dessa síntese, constituindo-se como tipo ideal de espírita. /// [en] This work resorts to the contributions of both social representations theory and the studies about social memory in order to understand the religious field – Spiritism in particular – considering the importance to remind personalities in religious practices. This survey aims to analyze the contents of social representation of perfection, the contents and structure of Spiritism personalities’ memory as well as their relation. This is a descriptive study carried out in two sessions involving 75 self-declared Spiritism subjects with 38 people in the first session and 37 in the sec ond, being 24 of them interviewed. The participants are, on average, 37.3 years old who have been engaged in Spiritism for 16.7 years. A free-evocation technique with an inducing term “Superior Spirits” was applied in the first session through the Internet as the participants claimed that people were associated with the term. In the second session, we used free evocations and questionnaires in order to characterize the participants. Based on the 12 most reminded personalities, we had a semi-structured interview with questions about characteristics, virtues, memories, personality hierarchy, and questions on the meaning of perfection and how to reach it. The evocation data were analyzed through the four-housed chart techniques along with the EVOC 2003 software and the construction of the maximum similitude tree. Analyzing the interviews through the thematic categorial analysis, we figured out that the most reminded personalities were Chico Xavier, Jesus, Allan Kardec, Emmanuel, Bezerra de Menezes, Mother Teresa of Calcutta, Joanna de Ângelis, Mohandas K. Gandhi, André Luiz, Francis of Assisi, Mary (mother of Jesus), and Divaldo P. Franco. The social representation of perfection was simplified and expressed in the sentence: the hard and long way human being follow when leaving his inferiority condition to reach perfection through knowledge (obtained from labor, study, self-knowledge), getting rid of selfishness and expressing love, as demonstrated and experienced by Jesus. We also concluded that these memories are mainly organized into two complementary value patterns in Spiritism: 1) knowledge, intelligence, rationality, study, literature and 2) Love, experience, faith, labor, example. They comprise two basic conditions to reach that perfection. The first pattern is mainly personalized in Allan Kardec’s image, and the second in Jesus. According to this view, we can ascertain that Spiritism operates in the faithfull’s mind, a synthesis between both patterns, being Chico Xavier its personification and thus regarded as the ideal type of spiritist. / CAPES