Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited / This study focuses on the history of relations between the Serbs and Albanians in Kosovo during a relatively extensive period, starting with the demise of the Ottoman Empire to present. It examines the process of the division of Kosovo society along ethnic, cultural, and religious lines that eventually made the seizure of power possible by nationalistic conservatives. The study investigates both Serbian and Albanian nationalism and speculates on why nothing had been done by the elite to contain the conflict in the first place. It seeks to explore the origins of the modern conflict and identifies the decisive factors that influenced the development of contradicting positions of two peoples that eventually led to open hostilities in 1998-99. The thesis employs a descriptive approach and reviews contemporary scholarly literature dedicated to the subject. / Major, The Ministry of Ukraine of Emergencies and Affairs of Population Protection from Consequences of Chernobyl Catastrophe

This diploma thesis deals with mediation as an instrument for ethnic conflict resolution in Africa. The author determined the feasibility and effectiveness of mediation as a tool for solving the ethnic conflict in Africa as the research topic of this thesis. The aim of the diploma thesis is to provide an evaluation of the current international legal regulation of mediation, of its sufficiency and integrity. Furthermore, the author aims to provide a comprehensive and complex view of the use of mediation in ethnic conflict resolution in Africa through an interdisciplinary analysis of the academic literature, both from Czech and foreign sources. The author sees her personal contribution by writing this thesis in the fact that in the Czech Republic the issue of mediation as a tool for ethnic conflict resolution has not been systematically researched yet. This diploma thesis is divided into four chapters, which are further subdivided into subchapters. The introductory chapter of this thesis describes a theoretical introduction to the issue of ethnicity and its legal regulation. Furthermore, the author deals with the origins of ethnic conflicts. The second chapter deals with the legal framework for international settlement of conflicts. This chapter also discusses in detail the various possible ways of...

[pt] Após o fim da Guerra Fria, as expectativas de paz mundial foram destruídas por uma série de violentos conflitos que forçaram policymakers e estudiosos das RI a voltarem suas atenções para três questões: o nacionalismo, a etnicidade e o genocídio. Essas questões estiveram presentes de forma bastante intensa nos conflitos ocorridos na Bósnia e provocaram a reconsideração do papel e da importância do Estado nação como forma de organização social e política.No presente trabalho, procuraremos mostrar como um conjunto de motivações político- estratégicas de alguns líderes e intelectuais sérvios conduziu o uso do nacionalismo e da etnicidade para o desenvolvimento de uma estratégia genocida cuja finalidade era a construção de um grande estado sérvio etnicamente homogêneo. Por fim, discutiremos o papel da comunidade internacional na proteção dos direitos humanos das vítimas da limpeza étnica na Bósnia e na solução do conflito. / [en] After the Cold War was over the expectations of world peace were destroyed by a series of violent conflicts which forced the policymakers and IR researchers to focus on three issues: nationalism, ethnicity and genocide. These issues were considerably present in the conflicts in Bosnia and provoked the reconsideration of the role and importance of the nation-state as a form of social and political organization. In the present work,we point out how a group of political strategic objectives of some Serb political leaders and intellectuals directed the use of nationalism and ethnicity to the development of a genocidal strategy which was aimed at the building of an expanded ethnically homogeneous Serb state. Conclusively, we consider the role of the international community in the protection of the victims of ethnic cleansing in Bosnia and in the solution of the conflicts.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Political Science, 2002. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 395-406). / This dissertation explores the causes of, and possible remedies for, extremely violent ethnic conflict. It starts from a robust yet under-explored finding in the literature: Most groups that fall victim to genocidal violence actually trigger their own demise by launching armed secessions or revolutions against state authorities that only then retaliate with genocide or forced migration ("ethnic cleansing"). Accordingly, the dissertation asks why groups that are vulnerable to genocidal retaliation would provoke that very outcome by launching such "tragic challenges." To explain this phenomenon, the dissertation employs three case studies to test three hypotheses drawn from rational deterrence theory. The cases focus on three subordinate groups whose armed challenges provoked genocidal retaliation: Bosnia's Muslims in 1992-95; Rwanda's Tutsi in 1990-94; and Kosovo's Albanians in 1998-99. To gain further insight by adding variation on the theory's dependent variable, the dissertation also examines an earlier period of the third case during which the subordinate group did not launch a violent challenge, despite having substantial grievances, and thereby avoided genocidal violence (Kosovo's Albanians in 1989-97). he three hypotheses are as follows: (1) the group did not expect its armed challenge to provoke genocidal retaliation; (2) the group expected to suffer genocidal violence regardless of whether or not it launched an armed challenge; (3) the group expected its armed challenge to provoke genocidal retaliation but viewed this as an acceptable cost to achieve its goal of secession or revolution. The dissertation confirms the third hypothesis: subordinate groups launch tragic challenges when they expect to prevail and are willing to civilians as the cost of doing so. / (cont.) Most surprisingly, the dissertation finds that a key cause of the optimism leading to tragic challenges is the expectation by subordinate groups of receiving humanitarian military intervention if they provoke genocidal retaliation against themselves. This reveals that international policies of humanitarian intervention create moral hazard, encouraging vulnerable groups to launch armed challenges and thereby potentially causing the tragic outcomes that these policies are intended to prevent. The dissertation concludes by exploring prescriptions to mitigate this newly discovered "moral hazard of humanitarian intervention." / Alan J. Kuperman. / Ph.D.

The study aims to answer whether there is ethnic antagonism in the Sweden Democrats’ parliamentary motions. The analysis has been performed by applying Bonacich’ theory of ethnic antagonism on a narrow selection of the Sweden Democrats’ motions. The selected method has been a directed qualitative content analysis. Some aspects of ethnic antagonism can be found in the motions. SD considers immigrants to lower the wages of Swedes mostly because; they are used to bad labor conditions in their home countries; the government subsidizes immigrants’ labor through various labor market programmes such as instegsjobb (entry jobs) and nystartsjobb (new start jobs). The government, EU, and the labor unions are considered responsible for the perceived worsening of the labor market. The party aims to act in the labor interests of the Swedes by excluding immigrants i.e. cheaper labor, from entering the country. For future research, it could be of interest to study how ethnic antagonism is reflected in other parties.

Discussions of genocide and ethnic conflict, and their aftermaths, will nearly always provoke emotions and memories which make navigating the subject difficult. Equal sensitivity can lurk in discussions of how reconciliation and lasting peace can best be sought in the volatile Post-Ethnic Conflict Environment (PECE). The Rwandan Government's primary Ingando Peace and Solidarity Camp serves as an example of a mainly Western-funded project that, although superficially ticking the requisite 'democratic and inclusive' aid-agency boxes, relies almost totally on a perceived 'traditional' approach to post-Genocide reconciliation that hinders a truly open discussion of the past. In this thesis I will discuss how the Ingando phenomenon is being utilized by the Rwandan National Unity and Reconciliation Commission (NURC) as a method of establishing unity and social cohesion at the expense of reconciliation, and show how this is reflected in the teaching and content of the work at the camp, where a single view of the past is being promulgated at the expense of open debate.

本論文嘗試去了解一般性的族群理論,並對北愛爾蘭問題加以分析與解釋,以期對北愛爾蘭的族群衝突原因,民族自決如何落實,以及族群社會的政治穩定如何獲致等等能提供更有效的理解模式. / Northern Ireland is caught beteen war and peace.On the one hand, there is a widespread desire for a permanent end to violence, but on the other hand big political divisions continue to keep unionism and nationalism apart. The conflict in Northern Ireland has economic, political ,history, and cultural aspects.Otherwise,from the outset, the conflict in Northern Ireland has had an international dimension. Then this thesis goes on to show and assess how the British state offered for a resolution of the conflict.

This thesis is a study of interethnic relationships between the ethnic Uzbek and Kyrgyz on the eastern edge of the Ferghana Valley, the cross-border zone between Uzbekistan and Kyrgyzstan, from independence to 2005. It argues that strong ethnic tension between the ethnic Uzbek and Kyrgyz was present during 'the Yellow Revolution' and the Andijan massacre in that year. The economically dominant ethnic Uzbeks in southern Kyrgyzstan played a role in initiating the opposition due to ongoing political marginalization by the government, while the opposition appealed to Kyrgyz ethno-nationalism and failed to draw wider political support from the Uzbeks or other minorities. As a result, there the ethnic minorities' lines were divided into pro-Akaev and pro-Revolution group. In the case of the Andijan massacre, the Uzbek government, after the arrival of the Uzbek asylum seekers into Kyrgyzstan territory on the eastern edge of the Ferghana Valley, had stirred latent fears amongst local Kyrgyz through their propaganda broadcasting. The economically marginalized ethnic Kyrgyz on the Kyrgyzstan side of the Uzbek-Kyrgyz border on the eastern edge of the Ferghana Valley had subsequently turned against the refugees and the tension was not alleviated until the refugees were moved to Romania by UNHCR. Both cases exhibit that the ethnic tension between these titular ethnic groups has deeper roots, which could be taken back to the pre-1991 Soviet era. A range of dynamics affect interethnic relations: (1) the potential for harmonious relations between the ethnic Uzbeks and Kyrgyz has been reduced by the rise of 'pure Uzbek' and 'pure Kyrgyz' ethnic-nationalism among these two ethnic communities in their newly created states; (2) a new economic aspect of the ethnic tension has arisen since 1991 in both eastern Uzbekistan and southern Kyrgyzstan as a result of the ethnic Uzbeks dominating the local economy in southern Kyrgyzstan; and (3) clan networks have strongly influenced the flow of post-independence politics. The revival of Islam and fundamentalist and radical ideologies, before and after independence had added complexity to the ethnic Uzbek and Kyrgyz relationships in the Ferghana Valley. Initially democratic nationalists and Islamic nationalists shared some goals, but this commonality faded as Islamic groups became to be seen as a critic and a threat to the Uzbek government and were subsequently banned. The ethnic Uzbeks express more religiosity than the ethnic Kyrgyz, while the majority of the supporters of Islamic fundamentalism and radicalism are the Uzbeks and a smaller number of ethnic Kyrgyz supporters. The failure of post-independence economic transitions of both countries have deepened rural poverty in eastern Uzbekistan and southern Kyrgyzstan, and gradually created collective poverty on the Uzbek-Kyrgyz border zone on the eastern edge of the Ferghana Valley. The ethnic Kyrgyz have been victimized by the deepening rural poverty on both sides of the border. As a result, creation of 'poorer Kyrgyz' vs. 'richer Uzbeks' dynamic has sharpened the conflict between these two ethnicities.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Ohio State University, 2006. / Title from first page of PDF file. Includes bibliographical references (p. 378-398).

This dissertation explores the problem of violent ethnic conflict in ethnically polarized developing countries using the concept of social capital. Ethnically polarized developing countries typically have high levels of intra-ethnic social capital (social capital existing within groups) but low levels of inter-ethnic social capital (social capital existing between groups). Violent conflict can be averted by cultivating higher levels of inter-ethnic social capital. High levels of inter-ethnic social capital create incentives for elites to adopt moderate strategies. A civic compact emerges when the general population internalizes the norms of inter-ethnic social capital (the rule of law; the right to participation; and the right to continued physical and cultural existence). The civic compact is associated with a general expectation that elites will not pursue extra-institutional strategies such as violence to advance their interests. Peace processes that originate in “hurting stalemates” afford fragile opportunities to begin to cultivate inter-ethnic social capital. At such moments, elite incentive structures align in such a way as to overcome barriers to reform associated with path dependence. The cultivation of inter-ethnic social capital is initiated by integrating the norms of inter-ethnic social capital into the structure of the peace process, although eventually state institutions (which must incorporate these norms into their design) will also re-enforce these norms. Elites begin to internalize the norms of inter-ethnic social capital by repeatedly engaging with each other during the peace process in a manner that actualizes these norms into their experiences. I explore how the norms of inter-ethnic social capital can be integrated meaningfully into the peace process so that elites begin to absorb these norms and so that the institutions that emerge from the process are perceived to be legitimate. Inter-ethnic social capital is developed among the masses primarily through the interactions that the masses have with state institutions. The peace process must focus on rehabilitating the relationship between the masses and the state. This dissertation assesses how this relationship may be rehabilitated and how the norms of inter-ethnic social capital can be integrated into the process of rehabilitating this relationship so that the masses can begin to internalize these norms.