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The monograph Ripped from the land, shipped away, and reborn introduces the concept Destierro-which translates as uprooting, deracination, exile, exodus, and banishment- to unthink the intellectual, political, and legal categories used by prevailing intellectual models to narrate/explain the 2002 massacre, occurred at the community of Bellavista-Bojayá-Chocó-Colombia. This thesis offers a critical prospect of the event. It highlights ethno-historical analytics to deconstruct the concepts of forced displacement, and forced migration. I study the racial, class, gender, generational, and regional dimensions undergirding this phenomenon to propose an Afrodiasporic Decolonial Critique of the field of Forced Migration. Single-axis explanations of this event and phenomenon have failed to move forward a complex analytical framework to fully explain the joint effect of multiple systems of oppression at play in events of land dispossession. Variables such as race, place, gender, and class; historical processes such as colonialism, the development of capitalism, contemporary place-based ethno-territorial social mobilization, and neoliberal multiculturalism intersect in this massacre. Accordingly, it is an imperative for critical historical sociological research to craft theories, and concepts to understand these crossroads. The basic argument I develop is that the concepts of forced displacement, and forced migration are formulas for historical erasure, and therefore limited to contribute to the demands for reparation of the affected populations. Territories are socio-geo-historical formations that can only be understood within the context in which they are conceived, produced, re-produced, and unproduced. Likewise, the categories used to name and study land dispossession need to be contextually and historically grounded to capture both complex local specificities, and global linkages. I advocate for concepts that can be used as categories of analysis, social mobilization, and reparation; to unveil the historical roots of the current constellation of processes, which are generating a new cycle of Diaspora of the Afrocolombian population, and similar contexts in the world-system in which this phenomenon is observable. In this vein, unthinking/deconstructing the concepts of forced displacement, and forced migration, as well as the massacre of Bellavista as an event of forced displacement, is an attempt to write stories that can repair the broken dignity of those that have been, and still are continually exploited.

[pt] O Triângulo Norte da América Central é composto por El Salvador, Honduras e Guatemala. Esses países compartilham um histórico de desigualdades socioeconômicas, violência e intervenções estrangeiras em seus territórios. Intensos fluxos emigratórios são registrados nesses países, com seus nacionais buscando chegar aos Estados Unidos percorrendo o território mexicano, razão pela qual consideramos esses quatro países como uma região de emigração, devido aos fluxos neles originados e atravessados. Essas migrações geralmente ocorrem de maneira forçada e em fluxos maciços. Consoante à mobilidade, ocorre um processo de contenção desses migrantes por parte dos Estados Unidos, que desenvolve mecanismos físicos e políticos para impedir a entrada dessas pessoas em seu território, além de imporem políticas migratórias e fronteiriças ao México e aos países do Triângulo Norte da América Central para impedirem os fluxos de chegarem em sua fronteira. Assim sendo, percebemos esses quatro países como uma região de fronteira que se traduz em região de i-mobilidade migratória, pois nela ocorrem dois processos concomitantes, o de trânsito e o de controle do mesmo. Nesta dissertação, investigamos a violência como elemento deflagrador dessas migrações e como ela atinge os sujeitos migrantes ao longo de seu percurso à Terra Prometida, os Estados Unidos. Analisaremos as migrações ocorridas entre 2018 e 2021, com foco nas caravanas de migrantes centro-americanos, apresentando as inovações de sua organização e o perfil demográfico daqueles que as integraram, bem como as medidas tomadas pelos Estados Unidos e México para impedir essa mobilidade. / [en] The Northern Triangle of Central America is composed by El Salvador, Honduras and Guatemala. These countries share a history of socioeconomic inequalities, violence, and foreign interventions in their territories. Intense emigration flows are recorded in these countries, with their nationals seeking to reach the United States by traveling through Mexican territory, in what we consider these four countries as a region of emigration, due to the flows originating and crossing through them. These migrations usually occur in a forced way and in massive flows. The United States develops physical and political mechanisms to prevent these people from entering its territory and imposes migration and border policies to Mexico and to the countries of the Northern Triangle of Central America to prevent the flows from reaching its borders. Thus, we perceive these four countries as a border region that translates into a region of migratory i-mobility, because two concomitant processes occur there, that of transit and that of control of it. In this dissertation, we investigate violence as a triggering element of these migrations and how it affects the migrant subjects along their journey to the Promised Land, the United States. We will analyze the migrations that occurred between 2018 and 2021, focusing on the Central American migrant caravans, presenting the innovations of their organization and the demographic profile of those who integrated them, as well as the measures taken by the United States and Mexico to prevent this mobility.

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An investigative research unraveling the implication of economic sanctions on Burmese women. This research was inspired by allegations in 2003 that thousands of women in Burma/Myanmar lost their jobs in the garment industry, thus exposing women to vulnerable aspects of forced migration and trafficking. A short case study of Iraq, Haiti, and Cuba is additionally provided while the history of economic sanctions and boycotts is heavily scrutinized. Perspectives of humanitarian law, human rights law, and feminist theory frame the basis of the research of which provide another critical dimension into the ongoing debate on economic sanctions.

The purpose of this research was to analyse the impact of forced migration on women and development in northern Uganda. The armed conflict in northern Uganda, which started in 1986, led to gross violations of human rights against women forcing them to flee their homes and ftnd refuge in overcrowded resettlement camps. The main objective of the study was to critically analyse the causes of displacement and the experiences of internally displaced women so as to contribute to available knowledge on women and development Qualitative and feminist research techniques were carried out in Erute Camp located in Lira Municipality among intemally displaced women, using observation and interviews. The findings reveal that forced migration was caused by the armed conflict between the LRA rebels and the government solders. The conflict destroyed in:frastructw·e and socio-economic service delivery systems. This consequently par·alysed the northern Uganda's development as many civilians were forced to abandon their homesteads due to traumatic experiences of killings, torture and abductions. This resulted in human disintegration and the collapse of economic and social development in the region that was based on agriculture. The prolonged insecurity disrupted education, health, communication and commercial activities resulting in absolute poverty and underdevelopment Despite effo11s by government and some humanitarian agencies to provide the needs of the affected civilians, peace and reconciliation seems to be hard to achieve. Insecurity continues to spread making normal life, relief and economic activities impossible. Due to lack of effective implementation, coordination and monitoring of programmes, the situation poses great challenges to government and international h\Unanitarian agencies present such as: WFP, UNHCR, WHO, World Bank and others. Therefore, forced migration has a significant impact on women's social, economic, cultural and environmental development. However, a positive impact regar·ding women's empowe1ment and gender equality due to changed roles was eminent. I conclude by recommending that the stakeholders need to increase the capacity to restore peace. There is need to coordinate the development projects and programmes through increased flexibility and transparency. However, the need to involve women in the reconciliation and reconstruction processes to restore peace in northern Uganda is vital / Development Studies / D. Litt. et Phil.

The purpose of this research was to analyse the impact of forced migration on women and development in northern Uganda. The armed conflict in northern Uganda, which started in 1986, led to gross violations of human rights against women forcing them to flee their homes and ftnd refuge in overcrowded resettlement camps. The main objective of the study was to critically analyse the causes of displacement and the experiences of internally displaced women so as to contribute to available knowledge on women and development Qualitative and feminist research techniques were carried out in Erute Camp located in Lira Municipality among intemally displaced women, using observation and interviews. The findings reveal that forced migration was caused by the armed conflict between the LRA rebels and the government solders. The conflict destroyed in:frastructw·e and socio-economic service delivery systems. This consequently par·alysed the northern Uganda's development as many civilians were forced to abandon their homesteads due to traumatic experiences of killings, torture and abductions. This resulted in human disintegration and the collapse of economic and social development in the region that was based on agriculture. The prolonged insecurity disrupted education, health, communication and commercial activities resulting in absolute poverty and underdevelopment Despite effo11s by government and some humanitarian agencies to provide the needs of the affected civilians, peace and reconciliation seems to be hard to achieve. Insecurity continues to spread making normal life, relief and economic activities impossible. Due to lack of effective implementation, coordination and monitoring of programmes, the situation poses great challenges to government and international h\Unanitarian agencies present such as: WFP, UNHCR, WHO, World Bank and others. Therefore, forced migration has a significant impact on women's social, economic, cultural and environmental development. However, a positive impact regar·ding women's empowe1ment and gender equality due to changed roles was eminent. I conclude by recommending that the stakeholders need to increase the capacity to restore peace. There is need to coordinate the development projects and programmes through increased flexibility and transparency. However, the need to involve women in the reconciliation and reconstruction processes to restore peace in northern Uganda is vital / Development Studies / D. Litt. et Phil.

Thesis (MA (Political Science. International Studies))--Stellenbosch University, 2008. / Sudan is a country that has been affected by a history of multiple destructive civil wars. Conflicts that, in a global perspective, have proven to be as devastating as interstate wars, or on occasion even more destructive, in terms of the numbers of casualties, refugee figures and the effects on a country’s society. The conflict in Darfur, in the western region of Sudan, is a civil war that illustrates one of the direst scenarios. In around five years of warfare, more than 200,000 people have died in the conflict, and around two million Darfurians were displaced, creating what the UN calls the “world’s worst humanitarian crisis.” The civil war was initiated by the attacks of two rebel groups, the Sudan Liberation Movement/Army and the Justice and Equality Movement, against government installations. Although presenting insurgency characteristics, the civil war in Darfur has been commonly labelled as a “tribal” conflict of “Africans” versus “Arabs”. An explanation that seems to fail to clarify the complex circumstances belying the situation. As seen in this study, although identity factors played their role as a cause of the conflict, the ‘ethnic hatred’ justification of war doesn’t seem to be sufficient to explain the present situation. Darfur appears to be a clear example that there is no single factor that can explain such a war. In the case of Darfur, various factors seem to have interplayed in creating the necessary conditions for the eruption of violence. This study focused on two of these factors – the environmental hazards that have been affecting the region, and the government’s use of the Janjaweed militia in its counterinsurgency movement. Both, and in different ways, seem to have contributed to dividing the Darfurian society between two poles, thus worsening the circumstances in the region and helping generate the high levels of violence that characterise the Darfur conflict. Most important, in analysing the conflict of Darfur with a point of view that goes beyond the “ethnic hatred” explanation, it seems possible to identify issues, such as land ownership, that are in vital need of being addressed in order to achieve peace in 4 the region. As seen in this thesis, it seems that it is only through a broad understanding of the complex causes of the conflict that peace negotiations might have any hope of success. While those continue to be ignored, any peace agreements or prospects of finding a solution to the conflict will be unrealistic.

La présente recherche s’intéresse au parcours migratoire entre le Mexique et le Canada de demandeurs d’asile mexicains déboutés. Privés des droits et des libertés fondamentales conférés par la citoyenneté, les Mexicains vivent dans un espace-temps constrictif et détiennent un accès limité à la mobilité. Victimes des déroutes et de la défaillance du système socioéconomique et politique du Mexique, l’asile devient bien souvent l’unique option à leur survie. Une fois au Canada, les demandeurs d’asile mexicains sont percutés dû à la prédominance de la criminalisation de l’asile et au discours stigmatisant de la figure du demandeur d’asile qui encouragent un flux considérable de migrations de retour forcé. Dépossédés du droit de choisir là où ils veulent vivre, les demandeurs d’asile mexicains font face à une double exclusion de l’espace. En ce sens, cette recherche explore le parcours migratoire des demandeurs d’asile mexicains à travers le vécu et l’imaginaire migratoire qui l’entourent. Elle tente de saisir les raisons qui motivent la migration et les éléments à l’origine de la modulation et de la transformation de la quête migratoire initiale. Ainsi, elle cherche à percevoir en quoi le processus d’octroi d’asile canadien affecte l’intégration et le sentiment d’appartenance à la société d’accueil. Elle évoque également les difficultés du processus de réintégration à la société d’origine. Finalement, cette étude cherche à s’éloigner du cadre administratif et s’attarde donc particulièrement aux conséquences humaines et vécues de ces phénomènes par l’exploration des perceptions et des interprétations spécifiques à chacun. Les conclusions de cette recherche établissent que les demandeurs d’asile mexicains déboutés par le Canada font face à un double rejet de l’espace. Ayant a priori opté pour l’asile en raison d’une incapacité à accéder à la sécurité et à garantir leur intégrité, l’exil les confronte à un système d’octroi d’asile restrictif et punitif qui freine leur intégration et mène majoritairement à un refus de leur demande. Au retour, la réintégration est bien souvent brimée par la continuation de l’exclusion et la persistance de la discrimination des migrants de retour. La quête migratoire originale se réinitialise, soit la recherche de droits, de libertés et de dignité. / This research focuses on the migratory path between Mexico and Canada of disallowed Mexican refugee claimants. Deprived of fundamental rights and freedoms of citizenship, Mexicans live in a constrictive space-time and hold a limited access to mobility. Victims of the failures in the socioeconomic and political systems of Mexico, asylum is often the only option for survival. Once in Canada, Mexican refugee claimants are often confronted with the predominance of asylum criminalization and stigmatization discourse creating a context of massive forced return migrations. Dispossessed of the right to choose where they want to live, Mexican asylum-seekers are facing a double exclusion of space. In this regard, this study explores Mexican refugee claimants’ migratory path through the lived experience and migratory imaginary surrounding it. It also attempts to understand the reasons behind migration as well as the elements responsible of the initial migratory quest’s modulation and transformation. Thus, it seeks to identify to what extent the Canadian asylum granting process affects the integration and sense of belonging to the host country. This research also raises the difficulties of the reintegration process within the society of origin. Finally, this study seeks to move away from the administrative framework and therefore focuses mainly on lived experience and human consequences of these phenomena, by exploring each person’ specific perceptions and interpretations. In conclusion, this research establishes that Mexican refugee claimants disallowed by Canada are facing a double rejection of space. Having a priori opted for asylum because of an inability to obtain safety and ensure their integrity, exile then opposes them to a restrictive and punitive grating system that hinders their integration and often leads to their request being refused. When returning, reintegration is often impeded by the continuation of exclusion and persistent discrimination of returnees. The original migratory quest resets itself, it being the search for rights, freedoms and dignity.

[pt] Esta dissertação examina a política de deslocamento de pessoas no contexto do projeto da Usina Hidrelétrica Belo Monte, região Norte do Brasil. Especificamente, eu investigo a política de deslocamento de ribeirinhos, pequenos agricultores e populações indígenas em Belo Monte. À luz do entendimento de política de Jacques Rancière, faço minha análise olhando para os males do deslocamento ao invés de para os direitos que alegadamente pertencem aos atingidos. Ao trazer isto ao debate, proponho reformular deslocamento como uma questão de exclusão política, não um problema de natureza técnica ou social. Embora remonte aos tempos coloniais, migração forçada raramente é um tópico discutido no Brasil. O país possui 1268 centrais elétricas de alguma escala, das quais 219 são hidrelétricas. Construir essas barragens exige, em quase todos os casos, pessoas e lugares sacrificiais. Em consequência, laços familiares são desfeitos, formas de vida extinguidas, lares são mortos. A literatura sobre pessoas deslocadas por projetos de desenvolvimento a partir de uma abordagem baseada em direitos não conseguiu dar conta da política de deslocamento. A terceira maior barragem do mundo em capacidade instalada trouxe com seus 11.233 MW as mesmas violações de direitos, anunciadas por projetos anteriores. Ao longo do tempo, estima-se que um milhão de pessoas tenham sido expulsas de suas casas devido a projetos de barragens hidrelétricas e sua migração para outras áreas, ou seu abandono e empobrecimento, foram tratados como apenas mais um exemplo de exclusão social em meio ao portfólio brasileiro de problemas sociais. Isso, no entanto, pode não ajudar a abordar as causas da migração forçada nesses casos. Situado no âmbito mais amplo da política mundial moderna, em suas formas de ler e pensar o Estado, as implicações da política na (re)produção da condição de deslocado são constitutivas. Este trabalho argumenta, portanto, que os deslocados de Belo Monte são a parte sem-parte na democracia brasileira. Eles são feitos povo suplementar pelos danos de uma obra de desenvolvimento, mas é também através da sua resistência a esses danos que denunciam a desigualdade na democracia. Ao resistir a essa partição e ao espaço de negligência atribuídos à sua existência, eles fazem mais do que o designado. Enquadrando deslocamento como um conflito sobre a produção do espaço, então, a dissertação sugere como as pessoas resistem, intervêm e contestam a representação de seu espaço. Deslocados resistem ao seu status suplementar criando espaços alternativos de representação. Suas práticas de resistência, portanto, evidenciam seu status político e desafiam a vida democrática a garantir sua parte em casos futuros. Concluo trazendo insights práticos inspirados por essas críticas teóricas para os próximos projetos hidrelétricos no Brasil; já anunciados e, até agora, inevitáveis. / [en] This dissertation examines the politics of the displacement of people in the context of the Belo Monte Complex project in the North of Brazil. Specifically, I investigate the politics of the displacement of riparian, small farmers and Indigenous populations in Belo Monte. In light of Jacques Rancière understanding of politics, I do so by looking at the wrongs of displacement rather than to the alleged rights belonging to subjects. Bringing this to the debate will reframe displacement as a matter of political exclusion, not a social or technical problem. Although it goes back to colonial times, forced migration is a rarely discussed topic in Brazil. The country has 1268 hydroelectric plants of some scale, among which 219 are hydroelectric dams. Building those dams requires, in almost every case, sacrificial people and places. As consequences, family ties are undone, ways of living extinguished, homes are killed. Literature on people displaced by development projects grounded on a rights based approach has not been able to address the politics of displacement. The world s third largest dam in installed capacity brought with its 11,233 MW the very same old, foreseen and announced rights violations of previous projects. Over time, it is estimated that one million people have been put out from their homes because of hydroelectric dam projects and their migration to other areas, or their abandonment and impoverishment, have been treated as only one more example of social exclusion amidst the vast Brazilian portfolio of social problems. That might not help to address the causes of forced migration in these cases, though. Situated in the broader scope of modern world politics, in its ways to read and think the State, the implications of politics in the (re)production of the displaced condition are constitutive. This work argues, therefore, that Belo Monte displacees are the part with no-part in Brazilian democracy. They are made supplementary people by the wrongs of a development work but it is also through their resistance to those wrongs that they denounce the inequality in democracy. In resisting this partition and the space of neglect attributed to their existence, they do more than the assigned. By framing displacement as a conflict over the production of space, then, the dissertation shows how people resist, intervene and contest the representations of their space. Displacees themselves resist to their supplementary status, creating alternative spaces of representation. Therefore, their practices of resistance make evident their political status and challenge democratic life to guarantee their part’in future cases alike. I conclude by bringing practical insights inspired by these theoretical critiques to forthcoming hydroelectric projects in Brazil; already announced and, so far, inevitable.