Internationalisation is one of the important dynamic tendencies which influences the functioning and course of development of contemporary languages. It is the result of increase and intensification of language contacts on a global scale. Internationalisation influences language on all language levels. Substantial is manifest of borrowing lexical elements, their integration, adaptation and function in communication. Furthermore, activation of the use of international word forming morphemes and word forming processes belong among manifestation of internationalisation. The thesis presents manifestations of internationalisation in the lexis of Western Slavic languages in contrastive perspective. The introductory part outlines the current research status of presented phenomenon and defines fundamental terms. Third and fourth chapters, the central part of the thesis, deal with comparison of international lexis on individual language level. Besides the description of the orthographical and orthoepical, grammatical, lexical-semantic correspondences and differences, attention is also focused on positon and function of internationalisms in lexicon of Western Slavic languages and their relations to the other units of lexicon. The analysis is primarily base on material of frequency word lists of the Aranea...

Depuis « l’ère de la mondialisation », le monde occidental s’est vivement engagé dans la découverte de nouvelles cultures du monde dans le domaine des arts visuels. En effet, il est devenu la norme de valoriser la diversité du monde et le relativisme culturel parce que les cultures perçues comme authentiques développeraient des valeurs esthétiques et économiques considérables grâce à leur aspect original, singulier et pittoresque. Même si l’on ne peut pas réellement saisir toutes les nuances de la culture d’un pays éloigné, nous pouvons malgré tout esquisser une image plaisante de ce pays dans notre imagination, notamment grâce aux médias qui dépeignent aujourd’hui les paysages du monde à travers des images « typiques ».Par conséquent, les artistes des pays « périphériques » essaient de valoriser les attentes du monde occidental dans leurs créations, en espérant ainsi pouvoir s’intégrer dans le réseau mondial dominé par quelques pays qui se sont désormais positionnés en « leaders ». Ces artistes conçoivent, en effet, des stratégies de communication afin de favoriser la diffusion de leurs œuvres sur la scène internationale : ils représentent leurs identités culturelles dans leurs propres créations artistiques d’une manière stéréotypée facilement identifiable pour les pays occidentaux. Le pluralisme « postmoderne » influence ainsi considérablement la création des œuvres des artistes issus des pays périphériques, en mettant en scène et en valeur tout ce qui est spécifiquement typique, c’est-à-dire local et original. / Ever since the era of globalization began, the Western world has been strongly engaged in the discovery of new cultures of the world, in the field of the visual arts. Indeed, it has become the norm to value diversity and cultural relativism because cultures perceived as authentic can develop considerable aesthetic and economic value from their unique and picturesque features. Even if we cannot really understand all the cultural characteristics of a far-off country, we are still able to sketch a pleasant and attractive image of this place in our imagination thanks to the mass media, which repeatedly presents these landscapes through "typical" images.As a result, artists from "peripheral" countries are trying to meet the Western world’s expectations in their work, hoping in this way to break into a global system where some countries are positioned as "leaders". These artists devise communication strategies to promote their works on the international art scene; they represent their cultural identity in their artwork in a stereotypical and easily recognizable way to the West. Postmodern pluralism considerably influenced these artists’ work, whilst focusing attention on everything that is typically “local” and “original”.

This paper explores possible solutions to the existing gap between human rights and citizenship and asks if society should replace citizenship with a more globalised or international form of “citizenship”? It further asks how society should aim to best eliminate the gap between human rights and citizenship? The paper uses an argumentative analysis to examine the theories of internationalism, global citizenship, and the democracy of demoi while considering cosmopolitan, agonistic, and anarchist viewpoints. In doing so showing the imperialist tendencies within global citizenship due to its need for universalism, and the possible alternative presented by the democracy of demoi as a pluralistic solution that accommodates agonistic views and anarchist notions of non-domination.

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The Russian invasion of Ukraine marked the end of a period of peace on the Europeancontinent and as it constituted a significant shift in the geopolitical environment thisevent likely influenced the actions and worldview of important actors in the region suchas the EU. The aim of this essay is thus to examine to what extent the Russian invasionof Ukraine caused a shift in EU’s defence- and security politics as well as their view oninternational relations. In an attempt to answer this question a qualitative analysis oftwo of the Unions strategic documents, the EU Global Strategy from 2016 and theStrategic Compass from 2022, was conducted. By utilizing ideal types of the theoriesliberal internationalism, realism, social constructivism and the Copenhagen School’swidened security agenda the analysis found that there has been a shift in the ideasunderpinning EU’s security politics from liberal internationalism towards more realismand that the military and economic sector had been successfully securitized. In otherwords, the EU's defence- and security politics shifted after the Russian invasion ofUkraine towards a bigger focus on military capabilities and towards a view of the worldas a more threatening and competitive place.

Alors que la Première Guerre mondiale fait encore rage, le banquier et philanthrope Albert Kahn, crée, en 1916, le Comité national d’études sociales et politiques (CNESP). Composé d’intellectuels français, le CNESP se réunit une fois par semaine, et ce, jusqu’en 1931, afin de discuter des plus chauds sujets de l’heure. Résolument tourné vers l’international, ce comité, bien que les membres soient exclusivement Français, reçoit un nombre important de conférenciers étrangers et s’intéresse grandement à ce qui se passe à l’extérieur des frontières de la France. Ce mémoire, qui s’inscrit dans les courants de l’histoire internationale et l’histoire intellectuelle, met l’accent sur cet intérêt pour les sujets internationaux et étudie la conception que se fait le CNESP de l’internationalisme durant la période de l’entre-deux-guerres. L’analyse des procès-verbaux des rencontres révèle que le comité a une vision de l’international qui s’exprime sur deux niveaux. D’abord, il entrevoit l’international comme quelque chose d’objectif : le système international doit être organisé selon les principes de paix par le droit et les problèmes à caractère global doivent être solutionnés selon les méthodes objectives de la science. Ensuite, l’étude des considérations subjectives derrière de telles prétentions d’objectivité dévoile une conception de l’international qui est influencée par une forte croyance en l’universalisme des valeurs françaises. La conception de l’international génère donc une dynamique d’exclusion qui s’exprime plus particulièrement à travers un langage métaphorique lié à la famille. / During the heat of the Great War, Albert Kahn, banker and philanthropist, founded the Comité national d’études sociales et politiques (CNESP). Bringing together members of the French elite, the CNESP held meetings every week until 1931, to hold intellectual discussions about current affairs. Even though the members were exclusively French, the committee invited a considerable number of international speakers. This thesis, whose fields of research are linked to those of intellectual history and international history, places emphasis on this committee’s interest in international topics and studies its conceptualization of internationalism during the interwar period. This survey of the CNESP’s meetings reveals that the committee had a vision of internationalism that was expressed on two different levels. First, the committee understood the international as an objective structure: the international system had to be organized around principles of law and international problems had to be resolved by the objective methods of science. Second, study of the subjective considerations behind those pretentions of objectivity reveals that the conceptualisation of internationalism was influenced by a strong belief in the universalism of French values. This conceptualisation of internationalism therefore implies dynamics of exclusion that are expressed more particularly through a metaphoric discourse linked to the family.

À l’origine, la nouvelle concernant l’occupation américaine d’Haïti en 1915 a suscité peu d’indignation aux États-Unis. En effet, on reproche à la république son instabilité politique et on juge aussi qu’une intervention américaine concourrait à l’édifice de l’autorité de la loi. À partir de 1915 et surtout en 1920, l’Association nationale pour l’avancement des gens de couleur (NAACP), fondée en 1909, critique cette ingérence et milite pour y voir un terme. W.E. B. Du Bois et James Weldon Johnson, deux figures publiques noires importantes travaillant au sein de l’organisation, dénoncent avec conviction l’occupation d’Haïti. Les historiens ont jusqu’ici jugé que la NAACP fut inspirée par des considérations de solidarité raciale en adhérant à la cause de la souveraineté haïtienne. Si la thèse présente ne réfute pas cette possibilité, elle cherche tout de même à démontrer que le cadre conceptuel de la solidarité raciale ne saurait illustrer toute la complexité de la campagne haïtienne érigée par la NAACP. Par conséquent, une attention dirigée davantage sur le contexte social et politique américain entre 1915 et 1922 révèle que pour la NAACP, la dénonciation de l’occupation américaine d’Haïti représentait d’une part une opportunité de discuter des problèmes sociaux touchant les Afro-Américains, et d’autre part, une occasion de renforcer sa position aux États-Unis. / Initially, the news of the U.S. occupation of Haiti in 1915 generated little concern in the United States. Indeed, Haiti’s political instability made it such that a U.S. intervention seemed unavoidable. As of 1915 and especially 1920, the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP), founded in 1909, denounced the U.S. interference in the Caribbean island. W.E.B. Du Bois and James Weldon Johnson, two of the association’s most influential black members, were deeply invested in condemning the U.S. occupation of Haiti. Historiographical tendencies have long located the NAACP’s engagement with Haiti in a conversation about black solidarity, but have failed to adequately consider the local politics that may have inspired the NAACP’s work. While this thesis does not refute the importance of black solidarity, it does recognise the limits of this conceptual approach in trying to explain the complexity of the NAACP’s work on the behalf of Haiti’s sovereignty. Placing more attention on the social and political context in the United States between 1915 and 1922 reveals that the NAACP utilised the occupation of Haiti as a means of attracting broader attention to domestic issues affecting black Americans, but also as a means of reinforcing the organisation’s own profile in the United States.

A presente pesquisa pretende ser útil nos esclarecimentos da maneira pela qual a experiência advinda do processo de industrialização na Inglaterra, e aperfeiçoada pelos estadunidenses, denominada contrato coletivo de trabalho, poderia servir de parâmetro para o Brasil e México, em termos da contribuição que este instrumento tem dado ao bem-estar social dos trabalhadores. As relações históricas de trabalho no contexto da economia política e na contemporaneidade destes relacionamentos com blocos econômicos diversos são analisadas, bem como as implicações para as relações de trabalho, em especial para os contratos coletivos. As análises feitas visam contribuir para uma melhor compreensão histórica do conflito do capital versus trabalho para elucidar a maneira pela qual seria conveniente atentar para uma melhor compreensão do equilíbrio necessário para valorizar estas relações. Propõe analisar a situação econômica básica versus o processo político e a dinâmica do relacionamento das classes sociais trabalhadoras tendo em vista a influência da doutrina monetarista-liberal de Milton Friedman, chamada de neoliberal, incluindo-se aspectos do peso secundário que a América Latina tem no cenário estratégico dos grandes países capitalistas, por isso as análises foram realizadas tendo em vista preliminarmente uma distinção metodológica fundamental entre direito objetivo e direito não objetivado para que se compreendesse sob a luz dessa distinção as influências recíprocas da economia e da política sobre o homem no horizonte das indefinições da práxis social. Procurou-se, também, o espírito da investigação histórico-estrutural, imiscuir-se nas influências externas comuns, questionando as facetas do internacionalismo trabalhista e suas ramificações, e a maneira como se desenvolveram comparativamente. / The present study should be of interest for the understanding how the experience of labor collective bargain contract, allowed by the industrialization process in England and improved by the North Americans, should be used as parameter for Brazil and Mexico, in terms of the contribution that this instrument has been giving to the workers\' social welfare. It analyzes also the history of the political economy and its contemporariness and the relationships with several capitalist blocks and the implications for the collective bargain contracts. It seeks for a best understanding the conflicts between capital versus labor, trying to elucidate the way should be better to comprehend the necessity of equilibrium, to promote the best value to the workers. It analyzes moroever the basic economy status versus the political process and the dynamics of the relationship of the working classes, considering the influence of the monetarist-liberal doctrine of Milton Friedman, called as neoliberal, included aspects of the secondary influence that Latin America has in the great capitalists\' strategic scenery. The analyses were done in terms of the fundamental methodological distinction between the objective law and nonobjectified law as a way to comprehend, under the focus of this distinction, the reciprocal influences from economics and politics concerning the man in the indefinite horizon of social praxis. The spirit of the historical-structural investigations also attempts for a critical look of the external influences, questioning about labor internationalism faces and their ramifications that has been developed comparatively

Desde seu nascimento, há quase trinta anos, o Movimento dos Trabalhadores Rurais Sem Terra (MST) tem se destacado pela perenidade de sua organização e disposição de estimular uma diversidade de vínculos capilares com a sociedade civil o que constitui uma das maiores novidades da história política contemporânea do campesinato brasileiro e voz mais expressiva da questão agrária na América Latina. Diante dessa constatação, o objetivo desta dissertação é apresentar e analisar como a dimensão internacionalista do MST enquanto elemento real e ativo de construção de um lócus político constitui-se historicamente, a fim de destacar as diversas influências políticas e ideológicas e a composição heterogênea de seu ativismo transnacional, que foram desenvolvidas (e assimiladas) tanto por circunstâncias políticas e econômicas em que o país enveredou quanto pela atuação das lideranças do MST. A hipótese central é de que, a partir da metade da década de noventa, o MST alcança o auge de sua projeção no exterior, não apenas pela referência mundial simbólica e política da luta camponesa, mas pela percepção de que o internacionalismo está enraizado nas condições materiais da luta de classes na agricultura mundializada. Desde então, inicia-se um processo de redefinição de sua estratégia política que passa a ser ampliada internacionalmente, na busca de convergência de linhas políticas e agendas em comum, principalmente com a Coordinadora Latinoamericana de Organizaciones del Campo (CLOC) e Via Campesina. Todavia, a política internacionalista do MST não nasce, cresce e amadurece politicamente apenas como reflexo passivo do avanço do capitalismo internacional do campo. O desenvolvimento desigual do capitalismo no campo brasileiro e a trajetória internacionalista do MST não constituem duas retas paralelas que podem ser relacionadas ponto a ponto. Na verdade, ambas adquirem configurações espaciais e temporais mais complexas e são estabelecidas em um constante encontro e desencontro. Por exemplo, a dimensão ética-moral e religiosa principalmente da fonte da Teologia da Libertação e da pastoral da terra é um fator essencial na motivação subjetiva de uma consciência humanista e universal latino-americana e de uma cultura política de solidariedade internacionalista permanente que o MST desenvolve a partir da própria formação específica que aqui se propõe estudar. / From its birth, almost thirty years ago, the Landless Workers\' Movement (MST) has distinguished itself for the continuity of its organisation and its disposition to stimulate a variety of capillary links with the civil society. This characteristic represents one of the major news in the contemporary political history of the Brazilian rural population, so that the MST has become the most expressive voice of the land reform in Latin America. Starting from this consideration, the purpose of this dissertation is to show and analyse how the internationalist dimension of the MST considered as a real and active element of constitution of a political space took form historically, in order to highlight the different political and ideological influences, and the heterogeneous composition of its international activism, which were developed (and assimilated) both by the political and economic circumstances in the countries where it took place, and by the MST leadership\'s action. The main hypothesis hereby presented is that, beginning from the mid-nineties, the MST gets the peak of its projection towards the exterior, not only for the symbolic and political worldwide relevance of the peasants fight, but for the perception that internationalism is rooted in the material conditions of the class struggle in globalized agriculture. Since then, it begins a process of re-definition of its political strategy that spreads world-widely, in search of a convergence of political lines and common agendas, mainly with the Coordinadora Latinoamericana de Organizaciones del Campo (CLOC) and Via Campesina. Still, the internationalist policy of MST does not begin, grow and mature politically only as a passive mirroring of the progress of international capitalism of land. That is, the unequal development of capitalism in the Brazilian land and the internationalist trajectory of the MST do not constitute two parallels that can be related to each other point-by-point. Actually, the two of them get more complex spatial and temporal configurations, and are formed in a constant dialectic of agreements and disagreements. The religious and ethical-moral dimension principally from the liberation theology and the pastoral of land, for instance, is an essential factor in the subjective motivation of a humanistic and universal Latin-American awareness and of a political culture of permanent internationalist solidarity that the MST develops starting from its own specific formation, which is the object of the present study.