Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico / Este trabalho tem como tema a formação histórica dos estados modernos, analisando a literatura sobre o fenômeno na Europa e na América Latina. Seu argumento principal é que podemos, tomando a sociologia histórica como teoria política, desenvolver ferramentas metodológicas e teóricas mais acuradas para entender as organizações estatais e a explicação histórica em ciências sociais. O argumento secundário é que a discussão contemporânea sobre construção de estados vem carregada de um viés modernizador na forma como articula o conceito de estado com o processo de seu desenvolvimento. Refinando essa ideia, o trabalho especifica o viés modernizador em termos de distorções na visão de estado e de história, transpondo-o como parâmetro de crítica a determinadas narrativas sobre os estados latino-americanos e sua formação. Como contraponto, recorre aos marcos da crítica substantiva e formal às teorias da modernização feita pela sociologia histórico-comparativa nas décadas de 1970 e 1980. Como resultado, propõe a convergência entre uma teoria crítica do estado e uma noção de processo histórico aberta à variação, à contingência e à contextualidade. Ao final, o trabalho enquadra uma nova onda de estudos histórico-comparativos sobre os estados latino-americanos, percebendo nela caminhos promissores para a superação do viés modernizador. / This dissertation focuses on the historical formation of modern states, analyzing the literature about such phenomenon in Europe and Latin America. Its main argument is that it is possible to, by assuming historical sociology as political theory, to develop more accurate theoretical and methodological tools to understand state organizations and the historical explanation in social sciences. The secondary argument is that the ongoing discussion on state building is embedded in a modernizing bias in the way it articulates a concept of state with the process of its development. Exploring this insight, the dissertation specifies the modernizing bias in terms of distortions in the comprehension of state and history, converting it into a yardstick for the critique of certain narratives on the Latin American states and its formation. As reply, it traces back the substantive and methodological criticism of modernization theories made by comparative-historical sociology in the 1970s and 1980s. As a result, it proposes a convergence between a critical theory of the state with a notion of historical process open to variation, contingency and contextuality. By the end, the dissertation explores a new wave of historical-comparative studies on Latin American states, emphasizing promising pathways for the transcendence of the modernizing bias.

The aim of this research is to discuss the reception of Latin American cyberpunk fiction, in other words, the Latin American reception of cyberpunk fiction. The cyberpunk fiction emerged in North American social and economic context in the 1980 s, and it depicts several topics linked to place and moment of production: the failed States and neoliberalism; the emergence of cyberspace and free circulation of capital beyond national borderlines; the dystopian background, the disbelief in future and grand narratives collapse as it is proposed by the lyotardian postmodernity, etc. These characteristics lead to identify the cyberpunk fiction as the supreme representation of late capitalism (Jameson). However, how can the cyberpunk fiction in Latin America be thought, it means, a place that is inside and outside of the world system at the same time? The hypothesis of this research points out to utopian way of Latin American cyberpunk fiction that does not exist in North American version. The representation of utopia in this fiction is only possible due to places out of world system: marginalized urban groups, Indian ethnics, ecological enclaves, religious movements, etc. This research is composed by four chapters: the first one discusses science fiction, while a genre which involves cyberpunk fiction, contesting its values (ephemerality, particularity and imitation) in face to mainstream literature (eternity, universality and originality); the second one approaches the Marxist model base-superstructure, which is considered pertinent to analyze the relationship between text and context; the third one verifies the kind of reception produced by Latin American cyberpunk fiction, in order to that, it is elected the Argentinean magazine Neuromante Inc. as a sample of this reception; and the forth one analyzes some novels in order to prove the hypothesis: Mañana, las ratas ( Tomorrow, the rats , 1977), by José B. Adolph; Silicone XXI ( Silica 21st century , 1985), by Alfredo Sirkis; Flores para un cyborg ( Flowers for a cyborg , 1996), by Diego Muñoz Valenzuela; 2010: Chile en llamas ( 2010: Chile in flames , 1998), by Darío Oses; El viaje ( The trip , 2001), by Rodrigo Antezana Patton; El delirio de Turing ( Turing s Delirium , 2003), by Edmundo Paz Soldán; De cuando en cuando Saturnina ( From time to time Saturnina , 2004), by Alison Spedding; A mão que cria ( The hand that creates , 2006), by Octavio Aragão; La segunda enciclopedia de Tlön ( The second encyclopedia of Tlön , 2007), by Sergio Meier; Os dias da peste ( The days of the plague , 2009), by Fábio Fernandes; and Cyber Brasiliana (2010), by Richard Diegues. / O objetivo deste trabalho é discutir a recepção da ficção cyberpunk latino-americana, ou melhor, a recepção latino-americana da ficção cyberpunk. Surgida nos anos 1980, no contexto sócio-econômico norte-americano, a ficção cyberpunk representa vários tópicos ligados ao local e momento de produção: os Estados falidos e o neoliberalismo; a emergência do ciberespaço e a livre circulação do capital para além das fronteiras nacionais; o cenário distópico, a descrença no futuro e o fim dos grandes relatos históricos como propõe a pósmodernidade lyotardiana; etc. Estas características levam a identificar a ficção cyberpunk como representação suprema do capitalismo tardio (Jameson). Entretanto, como pensar a ficção cyberpunk na América Latina, ou seja, num lugar que se encontra ao mesmo tempo dentro e fora do sistema mundial? A hipótese que este trabalho apresenta aponta para o viés utópico da ficção cyberpunk latino-americana, inexistente na versão norte-americana. A representação da utopia nesta ficção somente é possível devido aos lugares que se encontram fora do sistema mundial: os grupos urbanos marginalizados, as etnias indígenas, os enclaves ecológicos, os movimentos religiosos, etc. Este trabalho organiza-se em quatro capítulos: no primeiro capítulo se discute a ficção científica, gênero que abarca a ficção cyberpunk, contrapondo seus valores (efemeridade, particularidade e imitação) aos da literatura mainstream (eternidade, universalidade e originalidade); no segundo capítulo se aborda o modelo marxista base-superestrutura, considerado pertinente para analisar as relações entre texto e contexto; no terceiro capítulo se verifica o tipo de recepção realizado pela ficção cyberpunk latino-americana, elegendo a revista argentina Neuromante Inc. como caso exemplar desta recepção; e no quarto capítulo se analisa alguns romances para comprovar a hipótese: Mañana, las ratas (1977), de José B. Adolph; Silicone XXI (1985), de Alfredo Sirkis; Flores para un cyborg (1996), de Diego Muñoz Valenzuela; 2010: Chile en llamas (1998), de Darío Oses; El viaje (2001), de Rodrigo Antezana Patton; El delirio de Turing (2003), de Edmundo Paz Soldán; De cuando en cuando Saturnina (2004), de Alison Spedding; A mão que cria (2006), de Octavio Aragão; La segunda enciclopedia de Tlön (2007), de Sergio Meier; Os dias da peste (2009), de Fábio Fernandes; e Cyber Brasiliana (2010), de Richard Diegues.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-06-02T19:32:13Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 6521.pdf: 3822006 bytes, checksum: 8dd5924ddfcce5bf41cf7ae19c8db5d8 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-11-18 / Financiadora de Estudos e Projetos / The neotropical otter (Lontra longicaudis) is one of the 13 species of otter and has one of the widest geographic distribution, occurring from the north of Mexico until northern Argentina. Along its distribution the species, inhabits a variety of habitats facing different environmental quality levels. The availability of food and places to build burrows are the key factors to its occurrence. The species is defined as top predator and because its generalist habits, it has been suggested as a community structure species. Although the species tend to be generalist it shows a preferences for fishes and crustaceans in its diet. Its IUCN classification (data deficient) is based mainly on studies related to its diet and habitat use. Nevertheless, information about the species still have too much gaps in relation to populations studies, current distribution and environment requirements. This paper aims to review the current status and species information with the purpose of propose future conservation actions for the species, and therefore propose further information to enable a most appropriate classification on the conservation status of the neotropical otter. / A Lontra longicaudis é uma das 13 espécies de lontra com maior distribuição geográfica, ocorrendo desde o norte do México até o norte da Argentina. Em todo seu território, está presente em diversos tipos de ambientes e com variados níveis de qualidade ambiental. A oferta de alimentos e disponibilidade de locais propícios para criação de tocas são os fatores chave para a sua ocorrência. Considerada topo de cadeia, é um animal generalista, mas que apresenta uma preferência em sua dieta por peixes e crustáceos. Classificada pela IUCN como Dados Deficientes, possuindo vários trabalhos relacionados à dieta e utilização de ambiente. Porém, ainda há grandes lacunas no que diz respeito a estudos populacionais, distribuição atual e suas exigências ambientais. Este trabalho teve como objetivo fazer uma revisão do atual status e informações a respeito da espécie e propor quais atitudes devem ser tomadas para conservação da lontra, tal como, trabalhos de educação ambiental, monitoramento das unidades de conservação, maior rigidez com o cumprimento das leis ambientais e quais áreas necessitam de maiores informações para possibilitar uma classificação sobre o status de conservação mais adequada da lontra.

Aló Presidente was a weekly television programme anchored and produced by Hugo Chávez during his presidency in Venezuela. The show, a version of a phone-in, was broadcast live on national television at 11am on Sundays and lasted on average six hours. It followed the presidential agenda to a new location every week, where Hugo Chávez would inaugurate factories, read Latin American poetry, interview Fidel Castro, and sing llanero songs. This thesis investigates the role that Aló Presidente played in the making of the “Bolivarian Revolution”, Hugo Chávez’s political project. Through a critical reading of the transcripts of the show, it explores the 378 episodes, or 1656 hours, that aired between 1999 and 2012. Aló Presidente was the cornerstone of Chávez’s political communication, replacing press conferences and interviews. Chávez was known for his continuous presence on radio and television and his daily presidential addresses. However, only on the Sunday show could the audience phone the president and share their ideas, emotions and everyday life concerns. This thesis reviews the narratives that underlined the relationship between the audience/electorate and the host/president on Aló Presidente. It is argued that Aló Presidente played a fundamental role in articulating the identity of a public that shared the values and ideas of Chávez’s hegemonic project. Moreover, it is argued that the show Aló Presidente and the ideological process called the “Bolivarian Revolution” can be read as two co-related arms of a same project, and that they informed and defined each other throughout Chávez’s presidency. In this context, this thesis assesses the evolution of the programme in light of the political events taking place in Venezuela during that time. Aló Presidente is thus seen as a repository, or “black box”, of the discourses that articulated the Bolivarian identity and constructed the legitimacy of Hugo Chávez as the leader of a populist movement in Venezuela. Finally, the core of this thesis is that the co-relation between the show and the hegemonic project evolved over time to strengthen the authoritarian tendencies of Hugo Chávez’s regime. Following the activities of Aló Presidente over 13 years, the investigation charts that evolution in three different stages: 1) participation, 2) education, and 3) obedience, arguing that what started as a seemingly participatory space, progressively became a platform that presented Hugo Chávez’s figure as the ideologue of a populist movement, and ultimately secured his position as the indisputable leader and sole authority of Venezuela’s “Bolivarian Revolution”.

Worldwide, women face gender-based violence daily. Gender-based violence constitutes a growing problem in societies worldwide, and one in three women globally has experienced some sort of intimate partner violence, which is the most common form of gender-based violence. Femicides are the worst form of gender-based violence with a fatal outcome, and an issue of human rights, developmental issue, health issue, and societal issue. Latin America is the regions with one of the highest femicide rates in the world, and that is one reason for why the regions was chosen. There is a wide range of research done on the subject of femicides, however there is a scarcity on the subject of Latin American government responses and legislations, and how these impact the femicide rates in the region. This thesis will examine how government responses affect femicide rates in five selected countries; Costa Rica, Chile, Argentina, Brazil, and Mexico. The study will be a qualitative comparative multi-case desk study analyzed through an abductive approach. The theory applied will be the social inclusion and exclusion theory to understand if policies are inclusive or exclusive, and if the nature of the legislations have an impact on the femicide rates. The main underlying causes of femicides are impunity, lack of political will, funding, and the machismo culture. The analysis suggests that the current femicide legislations are not of appropriate nature to curb femicides as they do not tackle the underlying causes of it.

Os partidos latino-americanos são muito diversos e poucos estudos se ocupam da comparação de suas organizações. Este estudo analisa e classifica a organização interna dos partidos políticos latino-americanos, comparando o conteúdo de 42 estatutos partidários distribuídos nos 18 países democráticos da região. A comparação ocorre a partir do uso do método comparado e da identificação da ausência e/ou presença de determinados conteúdos em suas cartas orgânicas, de modo a mapear sua organização e possibilitar a construção de uma escala de pertencimentos das agremiações no quesito organizacional. A visão predominante sobre a região aponta para um caso de subdesenvolvimento partidário, no qual as agremiações são descritas como dotadas de organizações internas frágeis e em muitos casos inexistentes. Este trabalho não compartilha este posicionamento e argumenta que a América Latina apresenta um amplo espectro partidário em que convive dotadas de diferentes graus de organização. De modo a solucionar esta questão optamos por focar a análise em suas características organizacionais de modo a compreender os diferentes padrões exibidos em um estudo mais descritivo. Como premissa básica, partimos do princípio que os partidos políticos são, antes de tudo, organizações, as quais refletem as escolhas e objetivos de seus membros em um ambiente limitado. Como resultados, encontramos os seguintes: 1) o cenário partidário encontrado não é tão negativo quanto o exposto pela bibliografia sobre a região; 2) a região exibe um rico cenário, que reflete as diferentes estratégias das agremiações latino-americanas; 3) a ideologia e o tipo originário exercem grande influência sobre a determinação do desenho organizacional e; 4) as regulamentações a que os partidos estão sujeitos definem os limites das organizações. / Latin american parties are very diverse and few studies show a comparison of their organization. This study analyzes and classifies the internal organization of 42 Latin American political parties distributed in 18 democratic countries, comparing the content of their statutes. Using the comparative method we pointed the absence and / or presence of certain contents in the party organic charts, in order to map their organization and build a scale of affiliation to the organization. The predominant view describes an underdevelopment of the parties in Latin America, with a fragile association to internal organizations, that is even absent in many cases. This thesis does not share this position and sustain that Latin America has a broad partisan spectrum, which coexists with different degrees of organization. In order to solve this question and understand the different patterns exhibited, we focused the analysis on its organizational aspects, using a descriptive approach. As a basic premise, we assume that political parties are, above all, organizations, and it reflects the choices and goals of their members in a limited environment. The following results were found: 1) the party scenario found is not as negative as exposed by previous works about that region; 2) the region presents a rich scenario, which reflects the different strategies of Latin American associations; 3) ideology and the original type of party exert great influence on the determination of organizational design and; 4) the regulations to which the parties are subjected define the boundaries of organizations.

Extended households are far from a rare phenomenon in Latin America and their prevalence does not seem to be in decline. In Chile, they accounted for about a quarter of all households over the 1990–2011 period. This persistence contrasts with the dramatic transformations that have taken place in other dimensions of family life, such as the fall in fertility and marriage rates, and the increase in cohabitation and out-of-wedlock births. Recent studies on extended living arrangements in the region have mainly understood household extension as a strategy to face economic deprivation, giving little attention to other factors affecting it, such as gender inequalities and changing needs for support over the life course. In this dissertation, I contribute to the understanding of extended households Chile through the analysis of adult women living in family units over the 1990–2011 period. Unlike most other studies, I recognise the unequal positions that individuals and families occupy within the extended household, by distinguishing between women that head an extended household and those that join it as subfamilies. Using quantitative methods, I analyse a nationally representative household survey: the CASEN survey. This is the most complete data source on demographic and socioeconomic characteristics of the Chilean population. This dissertation offers a new assessment of the relationship between extended living arrangements and economic deprivation. Its findings only partially support the hypothesis of household extension as a family strategy to face economic hardship. Other key factors emerge when explaining extended living arrangements, including mothers’ full-time employment, the vulnerability of informal family structures, and other needs of support connected to the life course. There has been an increasing trend across 1990–2011 for young women who have started their family life to live in extended households. Multivariate analyses reveals that this increase was mainly influenced by the rising prevalence of cohabitation and single lone motherhood among younger generations, and to a lesser extent by the increase in young women’s full-time employment. These findings raise important theoretical issues for the Chilean context and show that patterns of social modernisation and family change in Chile have gone hand-in-hand with an increasing importance of the support provided by the extended family. This dissertation fills an important gap in the research on intra-household gender inequalities by analysing women’s economic dependence on extended household members. It shows that women in subfamilies are more likely to be economically dependent than those in head-families. Full-time employment, as well as marriage and cohabitation, emerge as highly protective factors against economic dependence. Special attention is paid to lone mothers, who are often excluded from research on women’s economic dependence. Lone mothers in subfamilies benefit economically from being in an extended household. Yet overall they have decreased their likelihood of being economically dependent over the 1990–2011 period. I argue that this reflects the increasing social protection towards lone mothers and recent legal reforms aimed at the equalisation of rights among couples and children irrespective of the marriage bond.

Le Venezuela d’H. Chávez et la Bolivie d’E. Morales sont les nouvelles terres d’élection du populisme et de la démocratie participative. Si ces deux formes politiques ont tendance à s’y hybrider et à témoigner d’un certain nombre d’affinités électives, les analystes ne se penchent jamais sur les expériences sociales spécifiques auxquelles elles donnent lieu. À travers une ethnographie des pratiques participatives dans des comités de décentralisation des politiques publiques situés dans les barrios - Conseils communaux vénézuéliens et Juntas vecinales boliviennes - cette thèse se propose de problématiser la relation entre pouvoir populiste et politique populaire. Son but est celui d’étudier le champ de pertinence d’un concept largement discrédité dans les sciences sociales, le populisme, à l’aune des politiques du peuple qu’il produit chez les exclus. À la confluence de sociologie des rapports ordinaires au politique et d’histoire « from below », notre thèse propose ainsi une nouvelle conceptualisation du populisme à l’aune des régimes d’identité, d’action et de rupture qu’il ouvre chez les dominés, et qui tournent autour du peuple comme opérateur. / Either as two exemplary democracies or two democracies of excesses, H. Chávez’s Venezuela and E. Morales’s Bolivia seem to attract nowadays more the ideological interpretations operating a rhetorical manipulation than informed social analyses. Far from wanting to discuss Chávez's ou Morales’s “exemplary” skills, the author proposes a policy ethnography focusing on the two radical populisms dynamics that can be observed in township assemblies for public planning (Consejos comunales and Juntas vecinales). These hybrid institutions are true political laboratories where lower classe people living in the country neighbourhoods can meet. Combining decentralization, deliberative democracy and populism, such institutions keep alive the treasure of the social construction of revolutionary policy in Venezuela and Bolivia. The participatory experience of ordinary people, which implies a community to integrate, an interest to defend and a collective identity to build, permits to track down the paradoxes and contradictions of a revolution in progress, and to reveal a sociology of action hidden by stereotyped concepts of faulty democracy or excessive democracy.

abstract: Food deserts are the collection of deprived food environments and limit local residents from accessing healthy and affordable food. This dissertation research in San Lorenzo, Paraguay tests if the assumptions about food deserts in the Global North are also relevant to the Global South. In the Global South, the recent growth of supermarkets is transforming local food environments and may worsen residential food access, such as through emerging more food deserts globally. This dissertation research blends the tools, theories, and frameworks from clinical nutrition, public health, and anthropology to identify the form and impact of food deserts in the market city of San Lorenzo, Paraguay. The downtown food retail district and the neighborhood food environment in San Lorenzo were mapped to assess what stores and markets are used by residents. The food stores include a variety of formal (supermarkets) and informal (local corner stores and market vendors) market sources. Food stores were characterized using an adapted version of the Nutrition Environment Measures Survey for Stores (NEMS-S) to measure store food availability, affordability, and quality. A major goal in this dissertation was to identify how and why residents select a type of food store source over another using various ethnographic interviewing techniques. Residential store selection was linked to the NEMS-S measures to establish a connection between the objective quality of the local food environment, residential behaviors in the local food environment, and nutritional health status. Using a sample of 68 households in one neighborhood, modeling suggested the quality of local food environment does effect weight (measure as body mass index), especially for those who have lived longer in poorer food environments. More generally, I find that San Lorenzo is a city-wide food desert, suggesting that research needs to establish more nuanced categories of poor food environments to address how food environments emerge health concerns in the Global South. / Dissertation/Thesis / Ph.D. Social Science and Health 2012

Academics within the field of education have produced extensive research. The purpose of previous studies has often been to explain the underlying causes, with a generalizing result, to how education operate within a nation. To contribute with an urban perspective, this studies aim is to research how parents from different socio-economic backgrounds in Mexico City are reasoning about their children’s schooling and education. What individual choices they have made and how the social context has impacted on these choices. The respondents were selected through a snowball selection using interviews with semistructured questions for data collection. The material was coded into two themes, individual level and societal level. The respondents with wealthier and poorer socioeconomic background were analysed separately and then compared and summarised. The theoretical framework is a combination of the human capability approach together with the findings in previous research. A finding in the research is that education is perceived differently depending on the socio-economic background. The respondents with wealthier socio-economic background are referring to the future work career and economic security as benefits for their children. The respondents with poorer socio-economic background are mentioning the opportunity to change their lives and “to not become like them”. Despite the different benefits mentioned, all respondents’ value education as the most important investment in life for their children. The conclusion drawn from the study is, that no matter what their socio-economic background is education a high priority.