Yes / This article examines the key features of state failure that have adversely affected the goal of state-building and peace-building in South Sudan. Drawing on interviews with sections of local and international stakeholders in South Sudan, the article analyses the major areas of state reconstruction and peacebuilding that the Sudan Peoples’ Liberation Movement (SPLM) government has failed to address proactively, areas and issues that seem directly or indirectly linked to the political crisis that started in December 2013 and the relapse into armed conflict. The paper also analyses the recent political developments and ongoing peace process in South Sudan and proffers some complementary policy intervention measures that could be implemented to strengthen the peace process. / This article was made possible through support from the Social Science Research Council’s African Peacebuilding Network (APN) research grant, with funds provided by the Carnegie Corporation of New York.

This study was designed to bring to the fore the reasons for introducing peace education in pre-service teacher education in Zimbabwean teachers colleges in order to establish the foundations for positive peace in Zimbabwe. The focus of the study was on the preparation of Zimbabwean pre-service teachers in peace education as an effective approach for building durable peace in Zimbabwe. The main research question that guided this study was: Why and how should peace education be introduced at pre-service teacher education colleges in Zimbabwe? The overall aim of the research is to develop an appropriate peace education programme for Zimbabwean teachers’ colleges which will be employed as a strategy for constructing positive peace in Zimbabwe. A phenomenological methodology blending Edmund Husserl’s descriptive phenomenology and Martin Heidegger’s interpretive phenomenology was used to elicit participants’ views on the challenges and possibilities of introducing peace education at pre-service teacher education colleges in Zimbabwe. Data for the study were gathered using semi-structured interviews, focus group interviews and documentary analysis. Key themes emerging from the data analysis were that (a) there is an absence of positive peace in contemporary Zimbabwe (b) Zimbabwean teachers’ colleges are not offering courses in peace education (c) peace education would benefit Zimbabwe as a country, (d) peace education is implementable at pre-service teacher education colleges in Zimbabwe, (e) there is need to develop an appropriate peace education curriculum that reflects the needs of Zimbabwean citizens and (f) college principals, lecturers, student teachers, policymakers and programme-makers have important roles to play in peace education initiatives. Through this study, the researcher established that peace education is a plausible and sustainable mechanism for building positive peace which has remained obscure in Zimbabwe despite thirty-four years of hard won independence. This shows the necessity for introducing peace education in Zimbabwean teachers colleges as a strategy for positive peace building. It is therefore, recommended that teachers’ colleges in Zimbabwe should introduce peace education in their pre-service programmes in order to build prospective teachers’ capacities to establish an infrastructure for positive peace in their future classrooms, the immediate communities and Zimbabwean society as a whole. / Philosophy of Education / D. Ed. (Philosophy of Education)

ABSTRACT PEACE BUILDING AFTER HUMANITARIAN INTERVENTION: THE CASE OF BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA Latif, Dilek Ph.D., Department of International Relations Supervisor: Prof. Dr. ihsan D. Dagi August 2005, 379 pages. This dissertation analyzes peace building process after humanitarian intervention. It conceptualizes peace building through questioning the feasibility of peace building following a humanitarian intervention. Addressing the deficiency of contemporary peace building approach, this thesis indicates the shortcomings of the various instruments of peace building in contributing peace and reconciliation on the case of Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH). Besides, it shows the drawbacks of the current practice that peace building is a learning process, which employs the lessons learnt to advance the efficiency of peace building process. There is a lack of comprehensive approach to peace building, based on case studies, evaluating the shortcomings and merits of all the instruments of peace building that provides a general strategy. Despite abundancy of policy oriented research to contribute policy making, academic work to analyze such a complicated phenomena has been frail. Within this context, contribution of the dissertation is to demonstrate the entire picture and question viability of the peace building process in war-torn societies. Therefore, it is enriching the study on the peace building operations. Failure of institutionalization of peace in BiH after almost a decade of rigorous peace building efforts of the international community shows the fault of the mainstream understanding of peace building. The dissertation also unveils that engagement in Kosovo is the product of a similar strategy, which in practice either repeated the same fruitless methods or tried to build on the experience obtained in Bosnia but failed to heal up the troubles and challenges faced in Kosovo. Overall, the study points out the inevitability of a novel approach and an alternative peace building strategy beyond the policy-related focus.

This study was designed to bring to the fore the reasons for introducing peace education in pre-service teacher education in Zimbabwean teachers colleges in order to establish the foundations for positive peace in Zimbabwe. The focus of the study was on the preparation of Zimbabwean pre-service teachers in peace education as an effective approach for building durable peace in Zimbabwe. The main research question that guided this study was: Why and how should peace education be introduced at pre-service teacher education colleges in Zimbabwe? The overall aim of the research is to develop an appropriate peace education programme for Zimbabwean teachers’ colleges which will be employed as a strategy for constructing positive peace in Zimbabwe. A phenomenological methodology blending Edmund Husserl’s descriptive phenomenology and Martin Heidegger’s interpretive phenomenology was used to elicit participants’ views on the challenges and possibilities of introducing peace education at pre-service teacher education colleges in Zimbabwe. Data for the study were gathered using semi-structured interviews, focus group interviews and documentary analysis. Key themes emerging from the data analysis were that (a) there is an absence of positive peace in contemporary Zimbabwe (b) Zimbabwean teachers’ colleges are not offering courses in peace education (c) peace education would benefit Zimbabwe as a country, (d) peace education is implementable at pre-service teacher education colleges in Zimbabwe, (e) there is need to develop an appropriate peace education curriculum that reflects the needs of Zimbabwean citizens and (f) college principals, lecturers, student teachers, policymakers and programme-makers have important roles to play in peace education initiatives. Through this study, the researcher established that peace education is a plausible and sustainable mechanism for building positive peace which has remained obscure in Zimbabwe despite thirty-four years of hard won independence. This shows the necessity for introducing peace education in Zimbabwean teachers colleges as a strategy for positive peace building. It is therefore, recommended that teachers’ colleges in Zimbabwe should introduce peace education in their pre-service programmes in order to build prospective teachers’ capacities to establish an infrastructure for positive peace in their future classrooms, the immediate communities and Zimbabwean society as a whole. / Philosophy of Education / D. Ed. (Philosophy of Education)

The aim of this study is to examine conflict and how it impinges on development. Conflict is an inevitable element of human existence since creation and has always affected human activities and endeavors in several ways. Understanding the dimensions of human conflict therefore provides blueprints on how to manage and resolve conflicts. This makes this study timely. In this research, some relevant related to conflict management approaches were examined. The research adopted a case study approach using the Jos Plateau conflict in the Plateau State of the Federal Republic of Nigeria. Data was collected and analyzed using a mixed research methods approach. The findings show several causes of this conflict among which are differences in religious beliefs among the people of the area, socio-economic causes, political tensions and land disputes. The consequences of the conflict identified are: it retards development in the area, creates fear and feelings of insecurity, destruction of property and loss of human lives. This study also examined how the conflict impinges on people-cantered development. In terms of how the conflict can be mitigated, respondents think education, creation of employment opportunities, the administration of justice and the practice of tolerance values is going to promote a spirit of coexistence and eventually result in a more peaceful and stable environment.

La majorité des travaux en économie sur la Palestine semblent déterminés par le projet, explicite ou non, de surmonter l'omniprésence du conflit entre Palestiniens et Israéliens. Ceci coïncide avec la pensée économique standard qui place le marché au centre de ses attentions, et entend s’affranchir de l’existence de « faits de pouvoir » dans les rapports sociaux. En présentant le politique comme un obstacle au bon fonctionnement de l'économie, le souhait est ainsi exprimé de voir celle-ci s'imposer comme une alternative à celui-là. Ces travaux-là sont dominants ; ils participent à la formulation des politiques et orientent le versement de l'aide financière internationale. J'envisage pour ma part la paupérisation de la société palestinienne comme une conséquence de la politique coloniale de dépossession dont les conséquences sont la dépendance économique mais aussi la perte d'autonomie politique des Palestiniens. Ainsi dès l’époque du mandat britannique, la colonisation de la Palestine par le mouvement sioniste se fait au détriment de la présence arabe palestinienne. En Israël après 1948, puis dans les territoires nouvellement occupés de Cisjordanie et de Gaza à partir de 1967, ce processus de dépossession va de pair avec une intégration économique qui perdure à ce jour. Pendant ce temps, le processus de paix entamé en 1993 participe à l'ébauche d'une région pacifiée et intégrée dans la globalisation néolibérale sous hégémonie américaine. Dès lors le transfert de fonds institué par l'aide financière internationale, l'exhortation faite par la Communauté internationale aux Palestiniens de participer aux objectifs de croissance économique et de développement, ainsi que l'intégration de l'économie palestinienne dans l'économie israélienne et dans la globalisation, sont un moyen éminemment politique d'évacuer en apparence les rapports de domination et d'inviter la société palestinienne à s'en accommoder. En ce sens, l’économie, de même que la politique, doit ici être considérée comme « la guerre continuée par d’autres moyens ». / Most economic studies that have been done on Palestine are committed, whether explicitly or not, to overcome the ubiquity of the conflict between Palestinians and Israelis. Indeed, this is in line with standard economic thinking which places the market at the center of its interests, and overlooks “facts of power” in social relations. Yet, at the same time, they manage to show that politics is an obstacle to the flow of the economy, and therefore, express their wish that the latter becomes an alternative to the former. These works are dominant; they contribute to policy-making and guide the spending of international financial aid to Palestinians.By contrast, I consider the pauperization of Palestinian society a result of the colonial policy of dispossession. The consequences of this policy are manifest in the economic dependency of Palestinians, hence the loss of political autonomy. Indeed, since the British Mandate of Palestine, Zionist colonization of the country came at the expense of the Palestinian Arab presence. In Israel, after 1948, and in the newly occupied West Bank and Gaza Strip, after 67, this process of dispossession went hand in hand with an economic integration that has continued until this day.In parallel, the peace process that had begun in Oslo in 1993 contributed to the modeling of a subjugated area integrated into neoliberal globalization under US hegemony. Thus, the transfer of funds established by international financial aid, the exhortation made by the international community to the Palestinians to participate in the economic growth and development, as well as the integration of the Palestinian economy in the Israeli economy and in globalization, should be considered highly political strategies to eliminate ostensibly relations of power, and therefore, invite Palestinians to accept their subjugation. In that sense, economics as well as politics, appear to be “war by other means”.

Thesis (PhD)--Stellenbosch University, 2015. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: South Africa’s transition to democracy has been hailed as exemplary in the field of conflict resolution and constitution-making. The negotiated settlement was expected to serve as a consensual constitutional framework boding well for the newly democratic regime, but by 2014 evidence was accumulating of an emerging dissensus on the South African Constitution. The literature on the South African transition does not anticipate this emerging constitutional dissensus, or address the possibility that the constitution meant different things to different stakeholders. While there was widespread endorsement of the ratification of the constitution, an apparent divergence has emerged about its meaning and what is stands for. Many studies addressed the process of constitutional negotiations and the outcome thereof, but few examine the meaning that the original negotiators invested into this outcome. The study aimed to address whether this dissensus was present during the negotiating process (1990 - 1996), and whether the negotiators’ agreement on the formal text of the constitution obscures fundamentally diverging interpretations. The study is in the form of a qualitative, descriptive case study. This study created a novel conceptual framework within which to classify diverse interpretations. Perceptions of negotiated compromises in deeply divided societies were conceptualised in the form of Constitutional Contracts, Social Contracts and Benchmark Agreements. Original negotiators’ views and opinions were analysed in order to identify dispositions reconcilable with each of the concepts identified. This framework proved significantly helpful in identifying whether the views of the negotiators were divergent – on several levels, differences between negotiators during the negotiating period came to the fore. It became evident from the findings that there were indeed present among the ranks of the negotiators of the South African Constitution diverging interpretations of this outcome. It became clear that certain interpretations were more easily categorised than others: while being able to locate the views of some negotiators within the concepts of Constitutional Contract or Social Contract, identifying those views congruent with the Benchmark Agreement proved more difficult. Also, some negotiators’ views can be located within one, two or all of the categories. It became evident that while negotiators may be categorised within all three concepts of the framework, their opinions are not necessarily specific to the indicators of one single concept. This study brought significant insight into several concepts, including the Social Contract in a changing society. The Social Contract is identifiable within a system that fosters process over institutions, with specific focus on the working of the electoral system. The Social Contract is vested in the political culture as opposed to in the written text, but the written text does facilitate these types of processes by entrenching mechanisms for ongoing negotiation and revision. However, while some of these mechanisms exist within the Constitution, it does not mean that they are effectively used. Characteristics associated with the Social Contract, such as flexibility and an inclusive process, tend to be associated with longer lasting constitutions. The question remains whether South Africans should be actively seeking to build a Social Contract, and whether a Constitutional Contract can evolve into a Social Contract. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Suid-Afrika se oorgang na demokrasie word beskou as ‘n uitnemende voorbeeld in die veld van konflikoplossing en die skryf van grondwette. Daar is verwag dat die onderhandelde skikking sal dien as ‘n ooreengekome grondwetlike raamwerk vir die nuwe demokratiese regime, maar teen 2014 het bewyse begin akkumuleer van ‘n opkomende dissensus oor die grondwet. Die literatuur oor die Suid-Afrikaanse oorgang antisipeer nie hierdie ontluikende grondwetlike dissensus nie, en spreek nie die moontlikheid aan dat die grondwet verskillende dinge vir verskillende rolspelers beteken nie. Alhoewel daar wydverspreide onderskrywing van die bekragtiging van die grondwet was, het daar ‘n klaarblyklike verdeeldheid na vore gekom oor wat die grondwet beteken, en waarvoor dit staan. Die proses van onderhandeling, sowel as die uitkoms in die formaat van die grondwet, is deur baie studies aangespreek, maar min ondersoek die betekenis wat die oorspronklike onderhandelaars in die uitkoms belê het. Dié studie is daarop gerig om ondersoek of hierdie onderliggende dissensus reeds tydens die onderhandelingsproses (1990 – 1996) teenwoordig was, en of die onderhandelaars se ooreenkoms oor die formele teks fundamenteel uiteenlopende interpretasies daarvan verberg. Die studie is in die vorm van 'n kwalitatiewe, beskrywende gevallestudie. ‘n Nuwe konseptuele raamwerk is ontwikkel waarbinne die diversiteit van opinie hieroor geklassifiseer kan word. Persepsies van onderhandelde kompromieë in diep verdeelde samelewings is gekonseptualiseer in die vorm van Grondwetlike Kontrakte, Sosiale Kontrakte en Maatstaf Ooreenkomste. Oorpsronklike onderhandelaars se standpunte en opinies is geanaliseer om gesindhede versoenbaar met elk van die konsepte te identifiseer. Hierdie raamwerk was nuttig om te identifiseer of die menings van die onderhandelaars uiteenlopend was. Verskille op verskeie vlakke het tussen die onderhandelaars tydens die onderhandelingstydperk na vore gekom. Dit is duidelik dat daar wel uiteenlopende interpretasies van hierdie uitkoms teenwoordig was binne die geledere van die onderhandelaars. Sekere interpretasies is makliker geklassifiseer as ander: die menings van sommige onderhandelaars kan as kongruent met die Grondwetlike Kontrak of die Sosiale Kontrak geidentifiseer word, maar dit was moeiliker om sienings ooreenstemmend met die Maatstaf Ooreenkoms te identifiseer. Sekere onderhandelaars se standpunte kan ook in een, twee of al drie kategorieë geplaas word. Dit het duidelik geword dat terwyl sekere onderhandelaars se opvattings binne al drie konsepte van die raamwerk geklassifiseer kan word, hul menings nie noodwendig spesifiek binne die aanwysers van 'n enkele konsep val nie. Hierdie studie het beduidende insig in verskeie konsepte gebied, insluitend die Sosiale Kontrak in 'n veranderende samelewing. Die Sosiale Kontrak is identifiseerbaar binne 'n stelsel wat die belangrikheid van proses oor instellings beklemtoon. Die Sosiale Kontrak berus in politieke kultuur, maar die geskrewe gondwetlike reëls fasiliteer hierdie tipe van prosesse deur die vestiging van meganismes vir voortgesette onderhandeling en hersiening. Hierdie verskynsel is tipies meer duidelik sienbaar in die werking van verskillende kiesstelsels. Alhoewel hierdie meganismes kan bestaan binne ‘n grondwet, beteken dit nie dat hulle doeltreffend gebruik word nie. Eienskappe wat verband hou met die Sosiale Kontrak, soos buigsaamheid en 'n inklusiewe proses, is geneig om verband te hou met 'n duursame en standhoudende grondwet. Die vraag bly staan of Suid-Afrikaners aktief op soek moet wees na die bou van ‘n Sosiale Kontrak, en of 'n Konstitusionele Kontrak kan ontwikkel om ‘n Sosiale Kontrak te vorm.

Thesis MA (Political Science. International Studies))--University of Stellenbosch, 2007. / The end of the Cold War, marked by the shift from a bipolar to multipolar security order, prompted a significant change in Japan’s relations with Africa. New political and economic challenges, which are accelerated by the process of globalisation, have forced Japan to adjust its foreign policies accordingly- especially in the African context. The primary goal of this study is to analyse how the concept of human security has influenced Japan’s foreign policy towards Africa since 1998. This research question focuses on Official Development Assistance (ODA) and peacekeeping through the United Nations Peacekeeping Operations in Africa. The methodological nature of this study is qualitative. Secondary sources are mainly used. This study makes use of the two contending theoretical perspectives in the security paradigm, namely Neo- Realism and the Human Security Approach. An important part of the analysis is Japan’s middlepowership and why it has chosen human security as its niche diplomacy in the new security order. The findings of this study suggest that the reasons for this are, firstly that Japan has had to justify its continuing ODA cuts to Africa over the last decade, as well as its pacifist stance on peacekeeping, which sees it refraining from directly intervening in conflict situations. Other key findings of this study are that Japan’s motives for providing ODA to Africa prior to 1989 were mainly economic in nature and that diplomatic relations were limited. What also emerged from this study is that Japan’s most prominent foreign policy goals include a permanent seat on the United Nations Security Council, establishing itself as a prominent global player both in political and economic realms, and securing favourable relations with states whose resources are vital to its expanding economy. Japan’s more recent relations with Africa can also be characterised by its multilateral approach, particularly through organisations such as the United Nations and the African Union. Important initiatives such as the Tokyo International Conference on African Development (TICAD) have also played an important role in promoting African development. However, its future success will depend on coordinating TICAD and The New Partnership for Africa’s Development (NEPAD) policies, with human security as a common goal. The implications of the findings of this study are that Japan will have to formulate a more coherent foreign policy on security, especially towards Africa. Secondly, since Japan is no longer the ODA giant that it used to be, it will have to find new ways of defining its relationship with Africa, particularly in terms of TICAD and the G8. Future research could expand the analysis to an investigation of Japan’s ODA disbursements to all Africa countries. Additional attention should also be given to Japan’s foreign policy in terms of peacebuilding, and how the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MOFA) is formulating these policies. Lastly, more research can be conducted on human security in general, and other aspects of it that are promoted through Japan’s foreign policy.

This thesis investigates the advantages and limitations of applying culture to the analysis of violent conflict and peacebuilding, with a particular focus on liberal peacebuilding in Sierra Leone. While fully aware of the critique of the concept of culture in terms of its uses for the production of difference and ‘otherness,’ it also seeks to respond to the critique of liberal peacebuilding on the account of its low sensitivity towards local culture, which allegedly undermines the peace effort. After a careful examination of the terms of discussion about culture enabled by theoretical approaches to conflict in Chapter 2, the thesis presents a theoretical framework for the analysis of cultural aspects of conflict and peace based on the processes and effects of meaning-generation (Chapter 3), developing the conceptual apparatus and vocabulary for the subsequent empirical study. Instead of bracketing out the recursive nature of cultural theorising, the developed approach embraces the recursive dynamics which arise as a result of cultural ‘embeddedness’ of the analyst and the processes which s/he seeks to elucidate, mirroring similar dynamics in the cultural production of meaning and knowledge. The framework of ‘embedded cultural enquiry’ is then used to analyse the practices of liberal peacebuilding as a particular culture, which shapes the interaction of the liberal peace with its ‘subjects’ and critics as well as framing its reception of the cultural problematic generally (Chapter 4). The application of the analytical framework to the case study investigates the interaction between the liberal peace and ‘local culture,’ offering an alternative reading of the conflict and peace process in Sierra Leone (Chapter 5). The study concludes that a greater attention to cultural meaning-making offers a largely untapped potential for peacebuilding, although any decisions with regard to its deployment will inevitably be made from within an inherently biased cultural perspective.

Current approaches to post-war state reconstruction are primarily dominated by the liberal peace thesis. These approaches tend to ignore the indigenous institutions, societal resources and cultural agencies of post-conflict societies, although such entities are rooted in the sociological, historical, political and environmental realities of these societies. Such universalised and 'best practice' approaches, more often than not, tend to reproduce artificial states. The Poro and Sande are the largest indigenous sodality institutions in the 'hinterlands' - a pejorative term attributed to rural Liberia and Sierra Leone. Both the Poro and Sande exercise spiritual, political, economic and social authority. In this thesis, I use critical realism and the case study approach to investigate: a) the extent to which the liberal peace practitioners who are leading state reconstruction in Liberia and Sierra Leone recognised the role and potential utility of the Poro and Sande institutions; b) the extent to which the Poro and Sande were engaged; and c) the implications for the quality and viability of the reconstructed states. This evidence-based research suggests that the liberal peace project sidelined indigenous institutions, including the Poro and Sande, in the post-war recovery and rebuilding exercises. The disregard for indigenous and emerging resources in the context of state reconstruction in Liberia and Sierra Leone has contributed to the resurgence of 19th century counter-hegemonic resistance from the sodality-governed interior of both countries. At the same time, the reconstructed states are drifting back towards their pre-war status quo. Authority structures remain fragmented, kleptocracy is being restored, webs of militarised patronage networks are being emboldened, and spaces for constructive dialogues are shrinking. This thesis underscores the need for indigenisation as a complementary strategy to help reverse the deterioration, and to maximise gains from massive investments in peacebuilding.