This thesis asks how voice enables youth to claim agency within divided societies, and what are the implications of this in terms of conflict and peacebuilding? It is an analysis of the significance of young people's voices to international relations. The research is framed in terms of human rights and human security, children's rights, and recognition theories. Its aim is to draw conclusions both about the nature of voice and agency, or power, and about how the framing of the present research in this area impacts the ability of the discourse to take into account the significance of listening to those who are marginalized. From these starting points the thesis will explore questions such as the following: In what ways do children have a voice? If young people had more of a voice, would it make a difference? Does having a voice lead to power? If so, does this create a culture of respect for this voice, and in turn an increase in the speaker's ability to claim agency? Does increasing participation have an impact upon people's likeliness to resort to violence? These aspects are important because they contribute to knowledge and frameworks for peacebuilding in post-conflict areas and the link between voice and violence may provide a key to reducing youth violence in post-conflict areas, but most significantly, hearing young voice could contribute to a sustainable peace, envisioned by and cultivated by the very generation that must own that peace if it is to become lasting.

Orientador: Suzeley Kalil Mathias / Banca: Samuel Alves Soares / Banca: Iara Beleli / O Programa de Pós-Graduação em Relações Internacionais é instituído em parceria com a Unesp/Unicamp/PUC-SP, em projeto subsidiado pela CAPES, intitulado "Programa San Tiago Dantas" / Resumo: O presente trabalho investiga os textos produzidos no âmbito do sistema ONU, que discorrem sobre as Operações de Manutenção da Paz a partir de uma perspectiva de gênero, e de que maneira eles contribuem para o rompimento de ideias estereotipadas sobre a participação de mulheres nos contingentes militares. Ainda, discute-se em que medida as justificativas para o aumento do número de mulheres contrastam com ideias convencionais sobre os espaços a serem ocupados por elas nos instrumentos de manutenção da paz. Com o intuito de cumprir os objetivos elencados, analisa-se a linguagem de gênero, em diálogo com as teorias feministas e de gênero, utilizada na Resolução 1325 do Conselho de Segurança, nos relatórios do Secretário Geral (2000 - 2010), nas diretrizes do Departamento de Operações de Paz das Nações Unidas e nos informes de agências especializadas vinculadas à ONU. A pesquisa destaca que (i) a categoria de análise gênero é apresentada por vezes como sinônimo de mulher; (ii) os estereótipos de gênero "mulher pacífica" e "mulher vítima" aparecem com certa frequência na linguagem utilizada e (iii) os documentos estabelecem previamente as funções que o pessoal feminino pode desempenhar, associando-as às atividades de apoio e proteção a outras mulheres / Abstract: In this study, we aim to analyze United Nations texts from a gender perspective and to investigate if they challenge women's traditional stereotypes. Furthermore, we discuss to what extent discourses in support of women's increasing participation in the UN military contrast with conventional ideas about the roles to be performed by them in peacekeeping operations. In dialogue with feminist and gender theories, we consider the language used in the Resolution 1325 (2000), the UN Secretary General Reports (2000-2010), the guidelines of the Department of the United Nations Peacekeeping Operations and the related reports of UN specialized agencies. The results of this research indicate the following (i) that sometimes gender is presented as a synonym for woman, (ii) the gender stereotypes "woman pacifist" and "woman victim" appear frequently in the language used by the UN and (iii) the documents set previously the roles that female personnel can play, linking them to womanly activities such as support and protection of other women / Mestre

Desde o fim da era das remoções, o foco de preocupação do Estado em relação às favelas tem se deslocado da urbanização para a violência, em especial para o tráfico de drogas. A militarização da questão da violência urbana se manifesta de forma definitiva com a inauguração das Unidades de Polícia Pacificadora nas comunidades carentes cariocas. A despeito dos aspectos positivos imediatos, a ausência de participação popular no processo de ocupação pelo Estado desses espaços segregados têm levantado preocupações, não apenas quanto à eficiência do programa em longo prazo, como também com a possibilidade de instauração de um Estado policial altamente repressivo. Esse trabalho analisa a utilização de mecanismos de gestão e planejamento democráticos como forma de aprimorar o programa de ocupação das favelas, partindo do pressuposto de que a participação política pode contribuir para a maximização dos direitos fundamentais. Para isso, estuda-se com profundidade a história dos atores políticos presentes nessas comunidades, além dos instrumentos existentes e possíveis no Direito Brasileiro para participação popular. Após a análise dos aspectos sociológicos e históricos que explicam a situação atual das favelas cariocas, ao fim, propõe-se um modelo de gestão democrática que aproveite ao máximo seu potencial de participação. / Since the end of the slums removals in Rio de Janeiro, the States main concern in these areas has changed from their urbanization to the issue of violence, especially the drug smuggling. The militarization of the urban violence showed its definite form by the installation of Peace-Making Police Units in poor communities in Rio de Janeiro. Despite immediate positive aspects, the lack of popular participation in the process of occupation of these segregated zones by the State has raised special concerns, not only about the long-term efficiency of the program, but also about the possibility of a highly repressive Police State. This dissertation analyzes the use of democratic administration and planning with the purpose of improving the program of occupation in the favelas, in accordance with the belief that wider political participation can facilitate a maximization of human rights. In order to do this, a detailed study of the history of the political players of these communities is made. Also, the existing and possible instruments of popular participation in Brazilian Law are presented. After the analysis of social and historic aspects that explains the current situation of Rios slums, the author proposes a model of democratic administration which takes maximal advantage of their participation potential.

Submitted in fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Public Administration – Peace Studies, Durban University of Technology, Durban, South Africa, 2017. / Zimbabwe is in dire need of wholesale reform. Gross human rights violations which date back to the pre-colonial period could have been abated in 1980 when the magnanimous policy of national reconciliation promised a new start. The watershed opportunity was, however, lost mainly because no deliberate efforts were made to account for the wrongs of the past in order to start afresh. The result was that Zimbabwe won the independence, but peace remained elusive. This is evidenced in the continued instability, insecurity and uncertainty. The non-retributive pledge had inherent weaknesses; it lacked inclusive participation, hence, no broad ownership. Simply drawing a line between the wounded past and the present, meant burying the past without the prerequisite rituals bent on ensuring non-recurrence. The futility of this blanket amnesty is evident in the sustained legacy of gross human rights abuses and impunity. Political violence has been institutionalised through politicisation of all aspects of life. This research is guided by Lederach’s reconciliation theory which uses Psalms 85:10 to emphasise the importance of commitment in converging the seemingly divergent aspects of truth, peace, justice and mercy into a ‘meeting place’ called reconciliation. Using a mixed methods approach, this research established that the invariably top-bottom approaches massage the symptoms rather than address the root causes of conflicts. The victims’ agitations for revenge and retribution prompted me to design action research processes aimed at engaging the research participants in interactive activities. The action research component aimed at sensitising participants to the merits of letting go of the burdens of the past, and to use scars as reminders of hope and not victimhood. The issues of forgiveness without apology, compensation or even remorse were contentious. However, through give-and-take concessions, the dialogue intervention yielded invaluable by-products such as maximisation of indigenous knowledge systems. Building on the participants’ input, sustainable healing and reconciliation can be achieved through deliberate truth-recovery, the right to justice, reparation, forgiveness and non-recurrence assurances. The research outcomes show that Zimbabwe urgently needs a ‘hybrid’ transitional justice framework based on inclusive participation. Inclusivity is critical because politicians are not necessarily experts in peacebuilding. The yet to be implemented National Peace and Reconciliation Commission can be used as a tool to seek public opinion on how to overcome the entrenched ‘fearology and militarism’ (Oberg 2016) ahead of the watershed 2018 general elections. Uncensored national debates can be used to gather information on the way forward. The multiple merits of Information Communication and Technology should be fully maximised in peacebuilding. / D

Abstract The resolution of humanitarian crises in, for example, ethnic conflict regions, is dependent on the interaction of different actors. They need to collectively engage to change the conflicting parties’ perception of one another and their ways of interacting. The efforts of these institution-changing networks can be seen as an integral element of a change process to transform harmful societal practices which have become institutionalized over decades into socially and economically conducive practices. Located at the cross-roads of sociological institutionalism and critical entrepreneurship discourse this study borrows from both the Industrial Marketing and Purchasing rooted business network mobilization approach and organizational legitimacy discussion. It provides processual and contextual understanding of how individual actors act in the process of forming collectives for institutional change as an early stage of a peace-building process. The data of this study consists of a set of conversations with governmental, non-governmental and private sector actors and observations and secondary data about the peace-building and democratization process in Myanmar/Burma. These were used to produce insight into individual actors’ acting for forming institution-changing networks. Pluralism, non-linearity and non-teleology were identified as characteristics of institutional entrepreneurial acting in turbulent and unpredictable contexts generally. Exploring the pluralist characteristic further, the study identifies in Myanmar/Burma’s peace-building context reticence, adaptability, incentivization, and perseverance as ways of acting to instigate the forming of networks and the creation of legitimacy therein. Due to the underlying non-linearity and non-teleology of these ways of acting the formation of networks is referred to as process of becoming. Theoretically this study responds to the need for processual conceptualizations of networks changing over time through a rich and locally contextualized understanding of network forming processes. Methodologically, it advocates for a network- or meso-level approach to help transcending the distinction between individual and structure levels of analysis which allows viewing institutional entrepreneurship processes where they are enacted. Practically, this study gives guidance to business actors about balancing the conduct of business and building society at the same time. / Tiivistelmä Humanitaaristen kriisien ratkaisu esimerkiksi alueilla, joissa on etnisiä konflikteja, riippuu eri toimijoiden vuorovaikutuksesta. Heidän täytyy pyrkiä verkostoissa vaikuttamaan konfliktin osapuolten vuorovaikutustapoihin ja näkemyksiin toisistaan. Näiden instituutioita muuttavien verkostojen pyrkimykset voidaan nähdä keskeisenä osana prosessia, joka muuttaa ajan saatossa institutionalisoituneita haitallisia yhteiskunnallisia käytäntöjä sosiaalisesti ja taloudellisesti hyödyllisiksi käytännöiksi. Tämä tutkimus sijoittuu sosiologisen institutionalismin ja kriittisen yrittäjyyden diskurssin yhtymäkohtiin. Se pohjaa keskusteluun organisatorisesta legitimiteetistä sekä liiketoimintaverkostojen mobilisoinnin lähestymistapaan, joka juontaa juurensa teollisten markkinoiden tutkimuksesta. Tämä tutkimus tarjoaa prosessuaalisen ja kontekstuaalisen näkökulman yksittäisten toimijoiden toimintaan kollektiivien muodostumisen prosessissa, joka tähtää institutionaalisen muutoksen aikaansaamiseen rauhanrakentamisprosessin varhaisessa vaiheessa. Tutkimuksessa hyödynnettiin kansalaisjärjestöjen, yksityissektorin ja valtiollisten toimijoiden haastattelujen lisäksi havaintoja ja sekundaariaineistoa rauhanrakentamisen ja demokratisointisoinnin prosesseista Myanmarissa/Burmassa. Aineiston pohjalta syvennettiin ymmärrystä yksittäisten toimijoiden toimimisesta instituutioita muuttavien verkostojen muodostumisessa. Pluralismi, epälineaarisuus ja epäteleologisuus tunnistettiin institutionaalisen yrittäjämäisen toimimisen ominaispiirteiksi turbulenteissa ja arvaamattomissa konteksteissa. Pluralistisia ominaisuuksia tarkasteltiin syvemmin ja Myanmarin/Burman rauhanrakennusprosessin kontekstissa pidättyväisyys, sopeutumiskyky, kannustimien asettaminen ja pitkäjänteisyys tunnistettiin tavoiksi käynnistää verkostojen muodostuminen ja niiden legitimiteetin luominen. Näiden toimintatapojen epälineaarisuuden ja epäteleologisuuden takia verkostojen luomiseen viitataan muodostumisen prosessina. Teoreettisesti tämä tutkimus vastaa tarpeeseen käsitteellistää muuttuvia verkostoja prosessuaalisesti luomalla moninaisen ja paikallisesti kontekstualisoidun ymmärryksen verkostojen muodostumisen prosessista. Metodologisesti tutkimus edistää verkosto- ja mesotason lähestymistapaa, joka auttaa ylittämään yksilön ja rakenteen tasojen erotuksen ja mahdollistaa institutionaalisen yrittäjämäisen prosessin tarkastelun sen toteuttamistasolla. Käytännössä tämä tutkimus antaa neuvoja liike-elämän toimijoille samanaikaisesti tapahtuvaan liiketoiminnan harjoittamiseen ja yhteiskunnan rakentamiseen.

Magister Legum - LLM / This research will chart and navigate the early stages in the development, conceptualisation, and formulation of Islāmic law and the concept of ṣulḥ as a mechanism of legal redress in Islāmic law (Sharī’a). The research shows that firstly, the mechanism is deeply rooted and embedded in scriptural (Qur’ānic) and extrascriptural text namely the corpus of Ḥadīth. There is a plethora of instructions to prove that reconciliation is indeed a lofty goal which is rewarded as an act of worship. Like many other aspects of the Sharī’a, ṣulḥ is regulated by provisions of the scripture and extra-scriptural sources considered by Muslims as the (Sharī’a). Secondly ṣulḥ is also the preferred method of alternative dispute resolution because it is fluid, contractual, expeditious and one of the most effective ways of solving different types of disputes, whether commercial or family. It has therefore gained considerable traction in modern western financial industry which I think is largely due to its contractual nature and the absence of the adversarial element. As a mechanism of redress, ṣulḥ is governed by Islāmic law of contract which takes the form of an agreement which can be mutually negotiated between two or more parties. Of late it has also become the mechanism of choice in family and marital disputes.

This academic research is focusing on the role of the Economic Community of Central African States (ECCAS) in the maintenance of peace and security in Central Africa. It assesses the effectiveness of this Regional Economic Community in dealing with issues relating to peace and security. The study firstly discusses the legal framework that supports the mandate of the Central African subregional institution in the field of peace and security, and then it addresses its peace and security architecture. Secondly, this work stresses the achievements made by ECCAS in coping with security issues; it also stresses its shortcomings and examine the reasons behind them. Most importantly, although this research highlights the shortcomings of the ECCAS in maintaining stability and peace in the Central African subregion, it strongly advocates that the role played by ECCAS should not be underestimated and therefore, it makes some recommendations which can contribute to its rationalisation and make it more effective. / Thesis (LLM (Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa)) -- University of Pretoria, 2011. / http://www.chr.up.ac.za/ / nf2012 / Centre for Human Rights / LLM

This study critically analyses and shows the merits of women participation in decision making during post conflict peace-building processes. Also explores the African Union's (AU) mechanisms that can facilitate women participation in peace-building and decision making processes in post-conflict countries. The scope of this thesis will be limited to Rwanda and Mozambique as countries that have suffered armed conflicts but progressively managed in post conflict to increase women participation in both peace-building and decision making processes. Discusses what the two countries can contribute to other countries that are in a post conflict phase in terms of providing best practices. Consequently, a framework will be drawn from these best practices in conjunction with the provisions under the AU to address the role of women in decision making processes during post conflict / Thesis (LLM (Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa)) -- University of Pretoria, 2008. / A Dissertation submitted to the Faculty of Law University of Pretoria, in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree Masters of Law (LLM in Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa). Prepared under the supervision of Pauo Comoane / http://www.chr.up.ac.za/ / Centre for Human Rights / LLM

This thesis considers some conflicts involving indigenous peoples that arise from the universal standardization of Intellectual Property Rights (IPRs) over Plant Genetic Resources (PGR). My study presents the research problem of how to include indigenous peoples in dialogue as a prerequisite for conflict transformation. To better understand this problem, and potential solutions, I conducted participatory action research (PAR) through an ethnographic case study of Himalayan farmers working with the grassroots network Navdanya. The study explores the research question: how do Garhwali farmers experience grassroots mobilization for biodiversity and indigenous knowledge (IK) conservation? This question is intended to generate data for conflict resolution analysis on how to engage indigenous peoples in dialogue on the subject of IPRs over PGR. I discuss five themes that emerge from the data collected including: experiences and strategies in grassroots mobilization, culture and sharing, the seed, climate change and women. My research is divided into three separate, but interrelated elements. Firstly, I discuss my methodological choices and experiences. Secondly, I present the ethnographic research, thematic data analysis and draw conclusions. Finally, I frame the literature in the context of the theory of structural violence to explain the significance of conflicts arising from IPRs over PGR in the context of the erosion of IK systems and biodiversity.

The intersection of climate change and fragility is a critical focal point if the aspirations of the 2030 Sustainable Development Goals (SDG) are to be met. Climate-related security risks arise when the impacts from climate change overlap with societal vulnerabilities to expose and compound risks to human security. When national governments are unable or unwilling to adequately address these compound risks, communities are left to fend for themselves. A resilience-based approach has been proven to strengthen social-ecological systems in the face of shocks and stresses, but how does an established resilience agenda apply in fragile social-ecological systems? What is important for building resilience in fragile contexts that face the most severe realities of climate change against a backdrop of instability? This thesis addresses these questions with semi-structured qualitative interviews from experts working across scales in peacebuilding and development who work in some of the most challenging contexts on the planet.  Results show that flexibility in livelihoods, social organization, a holistic or systems thinking approach and supporting traditional and cultural forms of resilience are beneficial in fragile contexts. While some of these resilience indicators are well-established, others are in need of further exploration. This study provides a glimpse into how the fields of resilience thinking and peace and conflict studies are joining up in order to address the new global risk landscape of the Anthropocene.