Cette thèse s'intéresse au programme et aux activités d'éducation à la paix menées par le gouvernement Kenyan analysés grâce à un cas d'étude qualitatif et une ethnographie "multi-site". Les violences postélectorales de 2007-2008 ont été le point de départ de considérable programme et activités œuvrant à la construction de la paix. Notre analyse débute à l'indépendance, en 1963; en effet, ce fut un point charnière de l'histoire nationale car le Kenya a été rendu aux Kenyans mais aussi car la violence structurelle du pays, ses injustices sociales, se renforcèrent dans les mains même des Africains. Nous revoyons l'histoire de la politique étatique pour saisir les notions de groupe ethnique, de communauté ethnique, de politique ethnique en plus des répartitions inégales des terres et des frontières intérieures. En conséquence, les principales causes de conflit ethniques sont revues aussi. En dehors de la violence physique, le Kenya est sérieusement défié au cœur de sa sécurité nationale; par l'urbanisation rapide et la croissance incessante des bidonvilles avec de forts taux de chômage chez les jeunes; et par de nombreux problèmes liés aux 500,000 réfugiés habitant sur son sol. Nous revoyons aussi brièvement comment la corruption est omniprésente et sous-jacente à tous les problèmes mentionnés ci-dessus. Le Kenya a fait la paix avec l'aide d'une médiation internationale et de l'implémentation inhérente des quatre agendas adressant les causes urgentes et celles de long terme du conflit Kenyan. Cette thèse explore pourquoi, et surtout, comment l'éducation à la paix s'est développée au niveau national; et si elle a eu un impact sur la violence structurelle. Notre inspection commence à la naissance du programme d'éducation à la paix au Ministère de l'Education, de la Science et de la Technologie, avec le HCR; et ensuite avec l'UNICEF. Après, la campagne nationale d'éducation à la paix a été construite en vue des élections générales, notablement paisibles, de 2013 et aussi grâce à d’autres activités. Le Kenya devint le leader continental de l'ADEA: ICQN-EP, en apprenant et partageant ses expériences avec d'autre pays africains. Une politique nationale d'éducation à la paix a été promulguée en 2014 avec l'UNICEF et l'UNESCO; l'éducation à la paix appartient désormais au patrimoine national kenyan. / This thesis investigates Kenya's governmental journey into peace education through a qualitative case study and multi-sited ethnography. The relentless post-election violence of 2007-2008 signed the beginning of extensive peace building activities. Our analysis starts right at independence, in 1963; a corner stone in the national history since it rendered Kenya to Kenyans but also because the country's structural violence, social injustices, started building up in the hands of Africans. We reviewed the history of national politics to understand notions of ethnic group, ethnic community, ethnic politics in addition to unequal land allocations and internal borders. Accordingly main reasons of ethnic conflicts were assessed as well. Besides behavioural violence, Kenya is greatly challenged in terms of internal security; by rapid urbanization and ever growing slum areas with high rates of unemployed youth and by facing daily tough issues with over 500,000 refugees on its soil. We also reviewed briefly the ubiquitous corruption as an underlying matter of the issues above mentioned. Kenya made peace with an international mediation and the implementation of four agendas attending to proximate and long term issues. This thesis explored why, and most importantly, how peace education rallied round to the national peace building cause; further wondering if peace education had an impact on structural violence. Our review started at the beginning of the peace education programme in the MoEST headquarters with UNHCR and later with UNICEF. Afterwards, a national peace education campaign was built in sight of the notably peaceful 2013-general election, alongside with other activities. Kenya became the continental lead country of the ADEA: ICQN-PE, learning and sharing experiences with fellow African countries. A governmental policy on peace education was launched in 2014 with UNICEF and UNESCO; peace education now belongs to the patrimony of Kenya.

Ce travail de recherche explore les raisons et les enjeux de l’essor des arts communautaires à Belfast de 1979 à 2006. Il a pour objectif de mettre en relief une interdépendance entre les stratégies déployées pour résoudre le conflit nord-irlandais et le développement des arts communautaires. Nous avons, dans un premier temps, analysé le contexte dans lequel les arts communautaires ont émergé à Belfast. Nous avons, ensuite, étudié en parallèle le développement des stratégies mises en œuvre tant sur le plan national qu’européen et l’essor des arts communautaires. Principalement présents dans les quartiers catholiques, les arts communautaires ont d’abord été l’expression d’une résistance aussi bien artistique que politique. Au cours des années 90, le regard que les milieux décisionnels portent sur les arts communautaires évolue, notamment sous l’impulsion de l’Europe dont les Programmes pour la Paix et la Réconciliation encouragent la participation des habitants à des projets variés. Identifiés comme moteur de changement, les arts communautaires apparaissent en mesure de répondre aux attentes gouvernementales et européennes en termes de construction de la paix, de cohésion sociale, de relations communautaires et de développement économique. Dans un contexte de sortie de conflit, la municipalité de Belfast, désireuse de transformer l’image de la ville et de s’ouvrir sur l’extérieur, place les arts et la culture au cœur d’une stratégie de reconversion urbaine. / This dissertation looks into the factors that have caused the Belfast community arts sector to grow over a period of time that was marked by major political changes. Indeed, in the 80s community arts, which developed primarily in Catholic working-class areas against a backdrop of communal violence and community activism, were marginalised, undervalued and underfunded. In the 90s, this situation gradually changed as the British government and Europe came to realise the contribution community arts could make to peace building, social cohesion, community relations and economic development by enhancing community confidence. The impact this shift in approach has had, has been particularly impressive in the field of arts and culture where cultural trends promoting greater participation and wider access to the arts have gained momentum. In practice, the gradual move from arts policy to cultural policy has meant that community arts have been placed! at the heart of Belfast’s regeneration process and increasingly used as a tool to further public policies.

This study examines economic integration within the European Union (EU) as a factor in conflict transformation and peace-building. European responses to causes of frequent conflicts and wars after the end of WWII focused on the search for peace, economic cooperation and prosperity. This thesis will focus on three elements: economic interdependence, the expansion of the free market, and economic integration. In-depth examination of these factors reveals that economic interdependence or the exchange of goods and services across inter-state and international boundaries only, is not sufficient to bring peace among states. Economic inter-dependence may reduce the impact of war, but cannot maintain sustainable peace. Unfair competition fanned by economic nationalism was a strong obstacle to free trade in Europe in the early 19th century. In the 21st century, the expansion of free trade, with increased understanding has enhanced reduction in interstate conflicts. However, free trade, in and of itself does not constitute a strong factor for a sustainable peace. Free trade may encourage democracy, but the expansion of free trade coupled with interdependence, does not bring sustainable peace. The EU has successfully established sustainable peace through economic integration-the creation of the single market that established freedom of movement, people, goods, services; and a single currency that facilitates easy transactions. The single market also abolished tariffs and custom duties. By and large, economic integration within the EU has been successful in creating a sustainable peace because economic interdependence, and the expansion of the free market have been combined with political integration by building democratic institutions at the intergovernmental and transnational levels.

From the beginning of 2000 the European accession process was placed at the centre of peace-building in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The prospect of EU membership provided a common vision that could encourage different segments of society and the political elites to bridge ethnic divergences and engage in authentic post-war reconciliation. As a pre-accession criterion the European Union required Bosnia and Herzegovina to unify its fragmented policing system at the level of the state. However, this requirement proved to be a step too far, resulting in a protracted and ultimately unsuccessful process of political negotiations that lasted from 2004 to 2007. This thesis analyses the police reform negotiating process. In the aftermath of interethnic violence, ethnic communities tend to focus on protecting their self-continuity and, as a result, aspects of identity and security become closely linked. It was for this reason that the European Union’s insistence on placing law enforcement authority at the state level in Bosnia and Herzegovina came to be viewed as an identity threat, which subsequently affected interethnic group dynamics in a negative way. From this premise, the study goes on to assess the impact of the negotiating process on the political discourse in Bosnia and Herzegovina and on public notions of societal security. The study illustrates the background and rationale of the European Union’s strategy and analyses the dynamics between the international community and the domestic political elite. The conclusions of the thesis are drawn from interviews with the principal domestic politicians and the main international policymakers of the international community, and also from a broad range of opinion surveys as well as the original documentation of the negotiating process.

This paper has concluded that the Diaspora contribute to the development of social, economic and political fields, which also means a high level of poverty reduction. This has been largely possible not least because of developments in computing and telecommunications, but also through the Diaspora's grassroots involvement. By being the only player who can get access to specific locations, and through their local knowledge the Diaspora can easily be seen as legitimate actors and therefore also play a unique role in peace processes. They are also not tied to bureaucratic structures on which they can act with direct effect. For example, they can assist quickly to different kinds of crisis situations, such as environmental disasters. Many governments and organizations are interested in cooperating with the Diaspora, but they also see many challenges with it. Further on, Diaspora can feel that their voices are not always heard. The essay has also reached a conclusion that a balance between the UN's two main conventions International Convention on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights and the Covenant on Civil and Political Rights increasingly may arise. This is thanks to the co-operations between liberal organizations and the Diaspora whose efforts may be in the private markets to create jobs and development, and their contributions in construction of social infrastructure. Other impacts on the organizational level may be towards more complex models of organization and partnerships, where not least the private sector may be included to a greater extent, which also demonstrates the enhanced globalization trends, where the private market is seen to be the answer to the solution of poverty. As regards to States and the role of various actors in these somewhat newer landscapes, they can also be a result from the processes of globalization and shifts in power from the state to the different levels at which non-state actors gets a stronger role. These processes may also have contributed to greater regionalization; forces which this paper found over time may be a competitor to a weak UN (and the EU) and therefore attract the Diaspora who also may find themselves to be better received there.

Magistro baigiamajame darbe nagrinėjama ES atsakomybė pasauliui ESGP vykdomų misijų, krizių valdymo, valstybių taikos palaikymo, (at)statymo ar kūrimo - taikdarystes kontekste. Tyrimo objektas – ES misijos (Kongo Demokratinės Respublikos ir Kosovo atvejai). Darbo tikslas – išsiaiškinti ES taikdariškų misijų svarbą ir reikšmę XXI a. valstybėms. Užsibrėžti uždaviniai – įvertinti BUSP ir ESGP, kaip misijų pagrindą; išanalizuoti ES misijų sampratą, kuri yra pristatoma oficialiuose dokumentuose; išnagrinėti ES veikiančius pagalbos mechanizmus žlugusioms valstybėms ir jų svarbą; palyginti ES misijas Afrikoje ir Balkanuose ir jų metu pasiektus rezultatus; analizuoti ES misijų reikšmę ES ir jos valstybėms narėms ir taip pat NATO, JTO, AS ir NVO veiklai šioje sferoje. Darbe aptariama teorinė BUSP ir ESGP samprata, jų tikslai ir uždaviniai, vystymasis bei sąveika, apžvelgiama valstybių narių ir institucijų veikla jų formavime. Taip pat analizuojami BUSP ir ESGP vykdymo mechanizmai, ES misijų modeliai SOFA ir SOMA, žlugusios valstybės, reikalaujančios krizių valdymo ir humanitarinių intervencijų. Analizuojant dokumentus, pateikiamos ES misijų patirtys Kongo Demokratinėje Respublikoje ir Kosove. Nagrinėjama ES bendradarbiavimas ir sąveika su įvairiomis tarptautinėmis organizacijomis NATO, JTO, AS ir NVO, vykdant taikdarystės ir krizių sprendimo misijas. Daromos išvados, kad BUSP vykdoma įvairiais instrumentais, iš kurių svarbiausi stabilumas ir taikos kūrimo partnerystė. Sprendžiant... [toliau žr. visą tekstą] / The final paper of Master degree is devoted for making consideration of EU responsibility to the World while exercising ESDP missions, such like crisis management, peace and states rebuilding, building peace and states in the context of peacekeeping. The subject of the paper: EU missions (cases of Democratic Republic of Congo and Kosovo). The aim of the paper: find out the importance and weight of the EU peacekeeping missions to the states of the 21st century. The goals of paper: to evaluate CFSP and ESDP as missions background; to analyze the concept of EU missions, which was introduced in the official documents; to review functioning mechanisms of the EU support and their importance; to compare EU missions in Africa and Balkans and their achieved results; to analyze importance of the EU missions to member states and also to NATO, UN, AU and NGOs actions in this area. The introduction of paper is devoted for theoretical background of CFSP and ESDP and their aims and goals, their evolution and cooperation, and for the role of member states and institutions. Also there is analyzing CFSP and ESDP exercising mechanisms, EU SOFA and SOMA models and failed states. Introducing missions experiences in Democratic Republic of Congo and in Kosovo. There is made considerations about EU cooperation with various international organizations, like NATO, UN and NGOs while exercising missions of peacekeeping and crisis resolutions. To conclude with, CFSP is exercising with various... [to full text]

In 1994, almost a million Tutsi and some Hutu were massacred in Rwanda during the 100 day genocide. Between 1995 and 1998, nearly the same number of Hutu and some Tutsi died, while in flight, primarily in the former Zaire. In the years following genocide, hundreds of thousands of Rwandans have been accused of genocide related crimes. There is not a person in Rwanda who is not directly affected by past violence and the country is in a process of healing and reconciliation. Much of the violence in Rwanda can be traced to perceptions of history and identity. This thesis seeks to unearth narratives of history and identity as a way of exploring possibilities for healing and reconciliation. Through an in-depth examination of four life stories, interviews with leaders in the field of reconciliation in Rwanda and informal interviews with a broad spectrum of Rwandans, this research sheds light on the challenges and opportunities in terms of healing. It finds that through critical engagement with our own and broader socio-political narratives we can expand the possibilities of our own narratives, allowing scope for personal healing as well as leading to a deeper understanding of the other. This can form the basis for sustainable reconciliation. / Thesis (Ph.D.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Westville, 2010.

This thesis is aimed at making a contextual interpretation of Luwum’s model of non-violent resistance and church-state relations in contemporary Uganda. The thesis reconstructs Archbishop Luwum’s life and explores the roots and the formative factors that shaped his thoughts and actions. It notes that the influence of the Acholi culture, early school life, the early Ugandan martyrs, Balokole theology, his theological studies, his ecclesiastical position, his parents and the writings and works of Martin Luther King Jr. shaped and refined his worldview. All of these factors provided grounding for his political and theological articulations of non-violent resistance and church-state relations. The thesis argues the principles of non-violent resistance are in harmony with the Christian understanding of shalom. Thus the church which upholds the principle of justice, love, truth and suffering will find non-violent resistance models an important tool for fighting injustices. With regard to injustice in the Ugandan context the thesis identifies and examined Amin’s ghosts such as the politics of dominance, corruption; a militaristic tradition and a culture of guns, religious conflicts and other problems which have continued to haunt the current Uganda. All of these can be confronted by the church using non-violence resistance model. The study argues that if this is going to be effective, the Anglican Church needs to embrace a pastoral hermeneutic based on non-violence resistance which can enable the church to be involved in social transformation without being co-opted by the state. In view of this, the study finds that through the principles of the non-violence resistance model the church can advocate for reconciliation and for the formation of a Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) to facilitate healing, confessing the past atrocities, identifying of victims and model of non-violence. To make recommendations for possible reparation, and processing the application for amnesty and indemnity so as to prevent the future human rights violations. This will be the beginning of fostering reconciliation in Uganda and establishing justice using non-violent means. / Thesis (M.Th.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Pietermaritzburg, 2008.

Zimbabwe as a country has successively been faced with a number of challenges that others argue to be a result of either poor governance or colonial imbalances. However, despite the contestation with regards to the cause of the crisis situation, several armed struggles continued to wreck the economy. This continuous collapse of the economy resulted in the ruling government slowly becoming unpopular to the people, thus it paved way to the formation of the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC); an opposition political party to the dominant Zimbabwe African National Union –Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF). The formation of the opposition party then triggered tensions, which later saw the March 2008 elections’ tension calling for a power-sharing agreement. Therefore, it is against this background that the research critically examines the role played by Civil Society Organisations (CSOs) in conflict transformation since the formation of the unity government. In addition, the study is also conducted against the background of scholarly interest to understand the relationship between CSOs and the Zimbabwean government, during the period that marked the introduction of the inclusive government 2009-2012. The study will also look at the key competencies of CSOs, which are complimentary to the process of conflict transformation and further outline the need for active participation from CSOs and other stakeholders to the process. In addition, it is worth noting that while CSOs make numerous attempts to vigorously participate in conflict transformation, factors such as restrictive government policies, lack of funding and government interference continually undermines their contribution. Autonomous and sustainable operations of CSOs in such limiting environments is virtually impossible hence, there is need for drastic measures to be employed in order to address this contradiction. / Thesis (M.Com.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Durban, 2013.

The current scholarly literature on the international mediation of armed conflicts predominantly draws on a rationalist-materialist perspective. This perspective suggests that the ticket to mediation success is the material manipulation of the bargaining environment by third parties with a high degree of economic and military resources. In this dissertation I argue against those that highlight material power when explaining outcomes of international mediation processes. Indeed, this dissertation shows that legitimacy, far more than capacity, determines outcomes of mediation. The reason why legitimacy matters so much is that if a mediator has legitimacy, it can continue to look for a mutual satisfactory outcome and try to pull the conflict parties towards compliance, but if a mediator loses legitimacy, no amount of material resources will prove sufficient in mediating the conflict. In other words, material capacity in the form of economic and military resources may be useful to successfully mediate a conflict, but it is rarely sufficient. Through scrutinising international mediation processes in civil wars in Africa, I develop a theory that explains how mediators are effective because of a high degree of legitimacy rather than military or economic capacity. More specifically, I show how legitimacy matters through comparing the effectiveness of African and non-African third parties. African third parties are typically referred to as ineffective because of a low degree of economic and military capacity. However, African third parties are effective in mediating civil wars in Africa because of a high degree of legitimacy, which is a result of a strong conviction within the African society of states that African mediation is the most desirable type of mediation in conflicts in Africa. Drawing on data from the Uppsala Conflict Data Program supplemented with unique data, which together cover all mediation efforts in Africa between 1960 and 2012, I find quantitative evidence supporting the effectiveness of African third parties. Compared to non-African third parties, African third parties are far more likely to conclude peace agreements and these peace agreements are more likely to be durable. Two case studies, in which several mediation efforts in civil wars in Sudan are examined, further probe the causal mechanisms that I put forward to explain the effectiveness of African mediation. While I do not claim causal generalisability on the basis of these two case studies, the mediation efforts in Sudan nevertheless suggest that third party legitimacy is central to mediation success. This is the first systematic study that compares African and non-African mediation efforts. Theoretically, this study deviates from much of the literature that solely puts forward rationalist-materialist explanations of mediation success. By bringing legitimacy to the forefront, this dissertation overcomes key limitations in the current mediation literature, in which material sources of power are emphasised and social structures are ignored.