Thesis (MPA (School of Public Management and Planning))--University of Stellenbosch, 2005. / Soon after independence in 1964 the Malawi government made an attempt to decentralise some of its activities through the creation of district development committees. However, in practice local-level institutions were not fully operational as the one-party system of government (led by the Malawi Congress Party) tended to manipulate the autonomy and operations of these institutions. Accordingly, there was no manifestation of local participation and representation. The period of one-party rule in Malawi came to an end in 1994 with the introduction of multi-party democracy. The new government revitalised the idea of decentralised governance by passing the Local Government Act of 1998, which saw the establishment of local assemblies. Thus officially Malawi has a very supportive system in relation to citizen participation and representation through decentralised local institutions. However, in practice, there is no clear evidence that this is actually being realised. Consequently, this study was undertaken to examine the role of party politics on local participation and representation. The study was conducted in three district local assemblies of Malawi ...

回顧過去半世紀以來，我國在各方面突飛猛進，一方面順應劇烈的環境變遷，以因應全球化的浪潮，另一方面在國人勤奮的耕耘下，無論是經濟或社會層面，都能在穩健中提升國家競爭力、促進社會的進步與經濟成長。在社會、經濟大幅發展的過程中，探究成長的因素，政治環境的穩定與多元蓬勃的教育，功不可歿。選擇臺灣地區政治、經濟發展較為充分的北高兩直轄市，以學童經由生活背景、教育環境、社會機構的階段學習，了解臺灣地區兩大城市的未來主人翁，在政治社會的學習成效，期能獲知學童在政治定向上的思維，提供政治社會化教育、穩定政治社會，貢獻微薄成果。 本研究透過調查問卷的分析、學童與教師訪談的驗證與補充，探討經由家庭、學校、同儕團體、傳播媒體等不同的社會化機制，在累積、認同、模仿、轉移、類化、認知發展等不同的學習模式下，形成直轄市學童不同的政治社會化學習成效；包含對政治的看法、政治知識、對政府的認知、國名選擇、政治信任感、政黨偏好與政治興趣等政治定向。 經由不同的個人背景，在性別上，對於政府執行政策，女生比較男生不具政治信任感，而父母親職業對於學童的政治知識程度具有顯著性的影響，父親的職業愈是如醫師、律師、建築師、會計師等專業人員，學童的政治知識學習成效就愈高；父母親的教育程度亦與學童的政治知識學習成效成顯著性的正相關；雖然多數學童對政治持負面的看法，惟居住臺北市的學童，對政治持負面看法的比例高於高雄市，具有顯著的差異。 南北兩直轄市的學童家庭，具有權威型的家庭決策權與民主型的管教權；多數家庭屬中政治化程度，家庭的政治化程度與學童的政黨偏好以及政治行為傾向呈顯著正相關，家庭的政治化程度愈高，學童的政黨偏好程度愈高，且愈呈現政治興趣上的中、高政治行為傾向。另學童父母親的政黨傾向，對於學童政治態度上的政黨偏好與政治興趣上的政治行為傾向，亦具有顯著性的影響，父母親的政黨偏好「泛藍」，學童的政黨偏好亦傾向「泛藍」。 在學校的社會化機制方面，學校的民主氛圍與學童的政治知識程度，成顯著性的正相關，與學童對政府的認知，則呈現顯著性的負相關；學校教師多屬民主型的領導風格，惟學童對於政治多數不具信任感。學童同儕之間的互動較少，同儕互動與國名選擇，不具關聯性；不同的同儕互動，對於學童對政治的看法、政黨偏好與政治興趣上的政治行為傾向，則具有顯著性的影響。就大眾傳播的電視媒體而言，雖然電視的新聞時事節目，不是大多數受訪學童的最愛，但收視電視媒體之經常度，卻與政治知識程度成顯著性正相關，而平常愛看「新聞時事」的學童，多數政黨傾向偏好「泛藍」，愈高的接觸「電視時事」節目程度，學童在政治興趣上，具有中/高政治行為傾向愈高。 學童在政治社會化學習成效的政治定向相互之間，雖然學童的政治知識對於學童政治興趣上的政治行為傾向，不具相關性，而學童對政府的認知與政治信任感，則具有顯著性的相關；另政治的信任感與對政治的看法，以及政治興趣上的政治行為傾向，亦具有顯著性的相關；大多數屬於偏低信任感的學童，對於政治的聯想亦多數持負面看法；對於政府官員執行政務高度信任的學童，佔有較高比例的「中/高政治行為傾向」。 環境與人是息息相關的，在人類追求美好生活的福祉下，優質穩定的政治生態，為孕育學習與成長的搖籃，探討學童政治社會化的學習成效，不僅有助於學童將來的適應環境社會，且能使其學習成效反饋於政治系統，因此探討直轄市學童政治社會化的學習成效，深具實用性。

A longstanding trend in development studies literature has emerged that emphasizes the importance of addressing issues of power in all facets of development, including in the planning and design of development interventions. While top-down planning reinforces the view of the poor as impotent, powerless actors whose well-being is dependent upon the actions of others through concentration of decision-making power in the hands of those who take on the role of trustees, popular participation in planning empowers the poor by viewing the poor as competent, rational actors who are better suited to improve their own lives than any external expert. This research report analyzes the power dynamics involved in an attempt by an Australian mining company (Mineral Commodities Ltd) and the South African government to implement a mining project in the Xolobeni area of the Wild Coast of South Africa. The issue of popular participation has always been a large part of the debate of whether to approve the mining license. Opponents of the project claim that the process discouraged and even prevented local participation, while supporters claim variously that either sufficient local participation did take place or that local participation was unimportant because the project would improve the lives of local residents regardless of how much participation took place. This report aims to analyze the power dynamics that came into play throughout the long fight over the proposed mine and draw out whatever lessons can be learned regarding South Africa’s development process. / Thesis (M.Dev.Studies)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Durban, 2011.

Cette étude aborde l’un des plus importants enjeux auxquels font face les mouvements islamiques, entre autres, l’engagement et la participation politique. Elle enquête sur la nature et les références de ses mouvements, en particulier le Mouvement de l’Unicité et de la Réforme (MUR) et aussi analyse, en adoptant une approche neutre et objective, combinant le cadre théorique avec celui de la pratique, leurs résultats en tant que mouvements sociopolitiques dans des communautés musulmanes, visant à apporter un changement social et politique. L’expérience de la participation politique des islamistes marocains à travers le Mouvement de l’Unicité et de la Réforme (actif politiquement, sous la couverture du Parti de la Justice et du Développement PJD) représente un modèle typique qui mérite toute attention de recherche et d’étude. En effet, le Maroc est parmi les premiers pays à autoriser aux mouvements islamiques modérés d’entrer officiellement dans le champ politique, et de s’y activer légalement. Aussi, ces derniers ont su se démarquer dans la scène politique et dépasser les thèses de coupures fondées sur une opposition radicale aux régimes gouvernants. Compte tenu de l’importance de la présence et du poids dont jouissent actuellement les mouvements islamiques, il est maintenant évident pour un grand nombre d’observateurs spécialistes que l’on ne peut plus parler de l’avenir politique et social dans les pays du monde islamique sans parler ou prendre en compte le rôle considérable de ces mouvements dans le tissu social du monde musulman. La plupart des études entreprises dans le domaine se préoccupaient du côté fondamental et théorique des mouvements islamiques, cependant cette présente étude s’émerge du lot par sa focalisation sur les organisations islamiques et leurs participations politiques en prenant le MUR comme cas d'étude. Elle aborde le problème définitionnel et cognitif lié à la notion des mouvements islamiques, puis explique la propagation rapide de ces mouvements dans le monde islamique, et identifie les idéologies motrices de leur action pour comprendre leurs concepts et leurs comportements envers l’autorité et la société. / This study addresses one of the most important issues facing Islamic movements, among others, engagement and political participation. It investigates the nature and references of these movements, particularly the Movement of Unification and Reform (MUR) and also analysis, adopting a neutral and objective approach, combining the theoretical framework with that of practice, their results as socio-political movements aiming to provide social and political change in Muslim communities. The experience of political participation of Moroccan Islamists across the Movement of Unification and Reform (active politically under the cover of the Justice and Development Party [PJD]) represents a typical model that deserves careful research and study. Indeed, Morocco is among the first countries to allow moderate Islamist movement, to officialy enter the political field and to activate in legally. Also, Islamists in Morocco have stood out in the political scene and overcame cuts theses based on a radical opposition to the governing regimes. Given the importance of the presence and weight currently enjoyed by Islamic movements, it is now clear to many observers and experts that we cannot talk about the political and social future in the countries of the Islamic world without mentioning or taking into account the important role of these movements. Most studies undertaken in the area were concerned with fundamental and theoretical aspects of Islamic movements; however, this study emerges from the batch by its focus on Islamic organizations and their political participation by taking MUR as a case study. It addresses the definitional and cognitive problem related to the notion of Islamic movements. Then explains the rapid spread of these movements in the Islamic world, and identifies the driving ideologies of their action to understand their concepts and attitudes toward authority and society.

Table of Contents: Frontmatter / Chapter One: Latino Politics: Both a Growing and Evolving Political Community / Chapter Two: Methodology and User Guide / Chapter Three: History, Demographics and Mass Media / Chapter Four: Latino Identity / Chapter Five: Books Focused on Ethnic Studies / Chapter Six: Political Attitudes and Political Behavior / Chapter Seven: Latino Elites, Representation, and Institutions / Chapter Eight: Inter-group Relations / Chapter Nine: Public Policy Issues / Chapter Ten: Methodology and Measurement Issues / Chapter Eleven: Reference Sources / Appendixes

This thesis explores the relationship between gender policy, gender culture, and political participation in unified Germany. It investigates the extent to which political regimes shape citizens' attitudes towards gender roles and examines the effect of such attitudes on women's participation in politics. The thesis is divided into three parts: The first part explores the differences in gender regime types between the former German Democratic Republic and Federal Republic of Germany during the Cold War period. Building on existing studies, the analysis considers how generations that were socialised in the divided Germany differ in their attitudes toward gender roles. It finds that citizens from West Germany are more socially conservative than citizens from the East. The second part of the thesis tests the effects of these traditional gender attitudes on citizens' participation, focusing on party membership. The analysis highlights that gender gaps in formal political participation in unified Germany still exist, but that these gaps are smaller in the new federal states. The investigation further shows that traditional gender attitudes exert a negative effect on women’s political engagement beyond the predictive power of socio-economic and demographic factors. The final part of this thesis casts a critical look at the political controversy in Germany over the introduction of a cash-for-care subsidy (the so-called Betreuungsgeld). It explores the normative assumptions and ideas about gender roles that have been promoted by Germany's main political parties throughout the policy negotiation process. Using a combination of qualitative and quantitative methods, the research presented in this thesis draws on, and contributes to, studies on gender, welfare states, political socialisation, and political participation.

Nowadays social networks have millions or some even billions of users who spend most of their free time there. Therefore there is no surprise that the potential impact on society becomes part of many experts research. According to some authors, social networks offer an opportunity for political participation especially for those who generally do not participate. Even politicians start to use these networks to mobilize voters. We can observe this new trend in the first direct presidential elections in the Czech Republic 2013, when some of the candidates tried to reach and mobilize voters through social networks. During presidential campaign 2012/2013, users could have participated in various political activities which enabled sharing political views. The aim of this paper is to determine the impact of using social networks during presidential elections, particularly using of Facebook, on interest in politics between users 18- 35 years. The diploma thesis focuses on the impact of Facebook because it is the most popular and used social network in the Czech Republic and also due to the fact that some experts argue that this social network played an important role in the presidential campaign. This paper will be based on quantitative research in form of a questionnaire survey, which was created on the...

Cette thèse traite de la cohésion des groupes latinos dans la société américaine. Elle analyse l’influence des relations intra-communautaires sur l’insertion des Latinos dans la société américaine et déconstruit la représentation des communautés latinos perçues comme monolithiques afin de déterminer dans quelle mesure ces relations conduisent à des assimilations différenciées. Elle montre notamment que l’insertion dans la société américaine découle des relations entre différentes communautés latinos et analyse l’influence du contexte de réception sur cette insertion socio-économique, sur les pratiques politiques et, de façon plus générale, le poids politique de ces groupes.Le choix de métropoles aussi diverses que Miami, Los Angeles et Boston souligne l’importance du contexte urbain sur la formation des relations entre ces différents groupes latinos, et son influence sur leur insertion dans la société américaine, mesurée par les stratégies adoptées par les groupes latinos et par leur participation politique. Cette analyse est cruciale pour comprendre la complexité des interactions entre groupes dont les relations représentent un enjeu de taille, car elles permettent d’anticiper l’avenir des relations ethniques aux Etats-Unis. Cette perspective ouvre ainsi sur un contexte sociologique plus large, permettant d’anticiper les problèmes politiques et économiques auxquels les Etats-Unis seront confrontés en matière d'intégration, d’immigration et de représentation dans les décennies à venir. / This dissertation examines the cohesion of Latino groups in American society. It analyses the influence of intra-community relations on the integration of Latinos in American society and deconstructs the representation of Latino communities perceived as a monolithic group allowing to determine to what extent these relationships lead to different assimilation paths. In particular, it shows the differential impact of the relationships between different Latino communities on their integration into American society and investigates the influence of the context of reception on the socio-economic integration of different Latino groups, policies and practices, and, more generally, their political clout.The choice of cities as diverse as Miami, Los Angeles and Boston highlights the importance of the urban context on the formation of relationships between the different Latino groups, and its influence on their integration into American society, as measured by the group strategies that Latinos adopt and their political participation.This analysis is crucial to the understanding of the complex interactions between Latino groups whose relationships are a major challenge, as they allow to anticipate the future of ethnic relations in the United States. This perspective opens to a broader sociological context which may help better comprehend the political and economic issues that the United States will confront in topics such as integration, immigration and representation in the coming decades.

This dissertation is devoted to the study of who used the formal channels of interaction in the early modern era and why. It examines the full range of the political conversation in early modern Sweden, as seen in the supplications to the Diet in the Age of Liberty (1719–1772), and more specifically the supplications submitted to the parliamentary committee tasked with handling them, the Screening Deputation. The literature yields few systematic studies of this official channel, and supplications have long been terra incognita in the early modern political landscape. Their exact importance is uncertain, to say the least. Using a database built on three samples from the beginning, middle, and end of the Age of Liberty, the Diet's supplication channel is shown to have been used by two groups: supplicants from state-affiliated households primarily tried to use it to pursue their claims on the state, to settle various issues related to employment, or to receive some sort of support through hard times; and, increasingly, commoners, especially delegates in the Estate of the Burghers, used the channel for their gravamina concerning commerce, taxation, and the like, and state support for public amenities, a group for whom the Screening Deputation offered an alternative route to getting their grievances heard by the Diet. Both groups increasingly used the Diet's supplication channel was appeal the verdicts of the King in Council (Kungl. Maj:t). Although most were not appeals against the Judicial Audit, the results reveal an active use of appeals, and thus a de facto erosion of Kungl. Maj:t's supremacy. The results also show that as many as three-fifths of all supplicants had their supplications accepted by the Screening Deputation for further examination by the Diet. Although the acceptance rate was definitely lower in the 1730s and 1740s, the committee seems to have been fairly benevolent in its interpretation of the rules on petitioning. The results, lastly, show that although the Diet's supplication channel allowed excluded groups direct access to the Diet - including women of all classes, commoners of rank, and unrepresented groups - it mainly catered to men with the social status or wealth that put them in the middle and upper strata of society. Although this supplication channel stood open to anyone, its egalitarian potential was seemingly never realized. The use of March and Olsen's institutional theory about the logic of appropriateness, has revealed that certain institutional templates and norms that would have enabled these groups more access to the channel succumbed and made room for other institutional foundations. Supplications were part of the medieval and early modern centralization of legal and political power, the formation of the state, the protection of the privileges of Swedish subjects, and, during the Age of Liberty, the power struggle between the Diet and the kings. Each supplication viewed by itself might seem trivial, but nonetheless played a part in each and every one of these major processes. An ordinary Swede could have an impact on early modern politics when acting in concert with other supplicants, like rain eating away at rock.

This thesis examines the role of civil society in promoting good governance and development in Zimbabwe. This is done through a case study of the National Constitutional Assembly (NCA). Specifically, the thesis looks at the role of constitutionalism as a tool in promoting good governance and development by situating the Zimbabwean struggle for constitutional reform within the context of an unprecedented socio-economic and humanitarian crisis that engulfed Zimbabwe at the beginning of 2000. One of the central questions explored in this thesis is that of the value of the concept of civil society in understanding African post-colonial situations in general and the Zimbabwean situation in particular. The thesis looks at the history of constitutionalism in order to assess if the Zimbabwean crisis could be understood within the context of a constitutional crisis. Therefore, the thesis ventures into the complex dynamics of state-civil society relations while at the same time examining the formation, structure and programmes of the NCA. This is meant to highlight how the NCA’s internal governance system, its leadership style and accountability worked as well as if it reflected good governance or not. An analysis of NCA’s relationship with donors is also presented in order to dispel or validate claims that civil society is just a front for western interests to effect regime change in Zimbabwe. Of critical importance in this study is how civil society (represented by the NCA) interacted with the government and the opposition political parties. The NCA actively participated in opposition politics coming in the open to urge its supporters to vote for the opposition and later ditched the opposition when they had disagreements but their reputation as impartial actors had been destroyed. The thesis concludes by questioning the strategies that are used by civil society in engaging with the government and that in their present structure they should not be antagonistic to the state but should work in tandem with the state for the attainment of good governance and development. Civil society organisations should be politically neutral in their pursuit of developmental goals and ought to practice what they preach by being democratic and accountable themselves. / Development Studies / M. A. (Development Studies)