This study explores the experiences of first-generation Somali immigrants working for Swedish political parties, shedding light on their challenges, opportunities, and contributions to the political sector. Through a qualitative case study approach, five semi-structured interviews were conducted. Tajfel and Turner's (1979) social identity theory and Crenshaw's (1989) intersectionality theory guided the study. The study revealed the significant barriers to entry that the participants face, including cultural and language barriers, prejudice and discrimination, and a lack of social and political networks. In addition, the study found that while the participants experienced exclusivity and resistance within the party, they also reported experiencing opportunities for political engagement, including support from fellow party members and advancement. Moreover, the findings suggest that political parties can play a crucial role in promoting immigrant political integration by providing opportunities for community engagement, training, and mentorship. However, the findings also highlight the need for more inclusive and culturally responsive policies and practices within political parties to better support the political participation and representation of immigrant politicians in political parties. This study adds to the literature by enhancing our understanding of the challenges of immigrant political integration.

This dissertation attempts to provide a historical and conceptual exposition of the establishment, role and contribution of Sanco in Soweto. To further the conceptual argument the concept civic interest is introduced. In the context of Sanco Soweto's trajectory as a civic association, the concept civic interest is def"med and utilised as a tool of measurement. The concept has three aspects: individual interests, consensus and the common good. It is used to determine whether or not Sanco Soweto as a civic organisation promoted the interests of the people of Soweto, regardless of their social, economic, cultural and political standing. It was found that Sanco Soweto promoted the civic interest only in certain respects. Although useful projects were launched, their success remained minimal. Sanco Soweto represented certain social strata better than others. The Branch was closer to professional and semi-professional income earners occupying council houses than the mostly illiterate and poor shack-owners. / Public Administration / M.A. (Public Administration)

Thesis (M. A.)--University of South Africa, Pretoria, 2002.

This thesis examines the role of civil society in promoting good governance and development in Zimbabwe. This is done through a case study of the National Constitutional Assembly (NCA). Specifically, the thesis looks at the role of constitutionalism as a tool in promoting good governance and development by situating the Zimbabwean struggle for constitutional reform within the context of an unprecedented socio-economic and humanitarian crisis that engulfed Zimbabwe at the beginning of 2000. One of the central questions explored in this thesis is that of the value of the concept of civil society in understanding African post-colonial situations in general and the Zimbabwean situation in particular. The thesis looks at the history of constitutionalism in order to assess if the Zimbabwean crisis could be understood within the context of a constitutional crisis. Therefore, the thesis ventures into the complex dynamics of state-civil society relations while at the same time examining the formation, structure and programmes of the NCA. This is meant to highlight how the NCA’s internal governance system, its leadership style and accountability worked as well as if it reflected good governance or not. An analysis of NCA’s relationship with donors is also presented in order to dispel or validate claims that civil society is just a front for western interests to effect regime change in Zimbabwe. Of critical importance in this study is how civil society (represented by the NCA) interacted with the government and the opposition political parties. The NCA actively participated in opposition politics coming in the open to urge its supporters to vote for the opposition and later ditched the opposition when they had disagreements but their reputation as impartial actors had been destroyed. The thesis concludes by questioning the strategies that are used by civil society in engaging with the government and that in their present structure they should not be antagonistic to the state but should work in tandem with the state for the attainment of good governance and development. Civil society organisations should be politically neutral in their pursuit of developmental goals and ought to practice what they preach by being democratic and accountable themselves. / Development Studies / M.A. (Development Studies)

Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2014. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Despite their lack of merits and demands, Occupy Wall Street (OWS) did become a defining feature in the short aftermath of the Financial Crisis and a part of the global occupy-movements during the protest year of 2011. As the founders and organisers behind the first encampments in Zuccotti Park called out for a "Tahrir moment" in the United States of America (US), few scholars or pundits had seen the leaderless movement coming. OWS spread across the US in the matter of months, hitting the media headlines gradually and more rapidly than any previous protest movement. Scholarly responses to OWS have been plentiful, and their categorisations of the OWS’ structure, demands and impact have been going in many different directions. This study attempts to debate and analyse the main research question; is OWS a new kind of a social movement? Even though there are several ways in which one may approach this question, the following will focus on the organisational structures, the political opportunity structures and the global linkages of OWS. The organisational structures has been debated by most, as the movement has a leaderless structure, it is ruled by consensus and supported by protesters from all social spheres, who came, protested and left as they pleased. The political and economic deficits, which gives way to the political opportunity structures of the movement, has not been this dramatic since the Great Depression. The Financial Crisis of 2008 has not only been defined as an economic crisis, but also a crisis of representative democracy. Furthermore, the global protest movements of 2011 have been similar in several ways. Even as all of them, be it Tahrir, 15M, in Greece or OWS, has been unique in matters of context, time and space, they share similarities in tactics, methods and fundamental demands - democracy and prosperity. The concluding statement to the research question is not clear-cut. Rather, it revokes former debates, which distinguished between old and new social movements, and implements a globalising civil society. A new kind of a social movement has come and gone, with elements of the earlier movements. It has added new modes of tactics, structures and demands, all formed by the present context. OWS is not an exception. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Ten spyte van hul gebrek aan eise en tasbare sukses, het “Occupy Wall Street (OWS) wel ’n definiërende kenmerk geword tydens kort naloop van die Finansiële Krisies, asook ’n deel van die globale beset-bewegings tydens die 2011 protesjaar. Daar was min akademici en kenners wat, ten tye van die eerste kamperings in Zuccotti Park en die eis deur die stigters en organiseerders van OWS vir ’n “Tahrir oomblik”, die opkoms van hierdie leierlose beweging voorsien het. Binne ’n kwessie van maande het OWS dwarsoor die VSA versprei, eers stadig en daarna vinniger die hoofopskrifte van die media gehaal as enige ander protes-beweging wat dit voorafgegaan het. Daar is heelwat akademiese bydraes (uit verskillende dissiplines) wat daarop gemik is om OWS te verstaan in terme van hoe om dit te kategoriseer, die struktuur daarvan, die eise wat gestel is en die impak daarvan. Die doel van hierdie studie is om die hoofnavorsingsvraag te bespreek en analiseer, naamlik; is OWS ’n nuwe soort sosiale beweging? Die benadering wat gevolg word is om te fokus om organisatoriese strukture, politieke geleentheidstrukture and die globale verbintenisse van OWS. Die organisatoriese strukture het die meeste aandag gekry in die literatuur tot dusver, aangesien die organisasie ’n leierlose struktuur het. Besluite word deur middel van konsensus geneem en ondersteuning word gewerf van protesteerders uit ’n verskeidenheid van sosiale sfere. Hierdie protesteerders het opgedaag, protes aangeteken, en weer vertrek na willekeur. Die politieke en ekonomiese terkortkominge van die kapitalistiese stelsel in die VSA, waarin die politieke geleentheidstrukture van die beweging geanker is, was, sedert die Groot Depressie, nie so skynbaar dramaties nie. Die Finansiële Krisies wat in 2008 sy hoogtepunt bereik het, word gedefinieer nie alleen as ’n ekonomiese krisies nie,maar ook as ’n krisies van verteenwoordigende demokrasie. Daarby is daar bevind dat die globale protesbewegings wat in 2011 gedy het, soortgelyke kenmerke gehad het. Nieteenstaande die feit dat Tahrir in Egipte, 15M, die Griekse protes-aksies en OWS wel as uniek gesien kan word in terme van konteks, tyd en ruimte, is daar ooreenkomste in taktiek, metodes en fundamentele eise: deelnemende demokrasie en welvaart vir almal. Die slotsom waartoe die tesis kom is nie definitief nie. Eerder, is die gevolgtrekking dat daar teruggegaan moet word na vorige debatte wat onderskeid getref het tussen ou en nuwe sosiale bewegings, en ook na die literatuur oor die moontlikheid van ’n globale burgerlike samelewing. Wat wel vasstaan is dat ’n nuwe soort sosiale beweging verskyn het en weer gekwyn het, wat aspekte van vorige bewegings omvat maar ook in duidelike terme van hulle verskil. In die opsig is OWS nie ’n uitsondering nie, met nuwe taktiek, strukture en eise wat almal gevorm is binne die huidige konteks.

民主成為一股全球性的潮流，帶動女性在缺席以久的政治場域上的出現和積極參與。從1960年斯里蘭卡誕生第一位民選女性總理開始，近半個世紀以來世界各國紛紛出現女性領導人。台灣於1996年首度舉行總統直選，2016年選出首位女性總統蔡英文，這樣的發展對台灣的性別平權有重大意義。本研究旨在透過文獻分析與深度訪談來分析，蔡英文身為一位女性在台灣的脈絡下成為首位女性國家領導人的條件；研究結果發現，政治機會、社會文化與個人資本是女性從政的重要條件。豐沛的個人資本奠定蔡英文政治參與的基礎，也是她進入合格人才庫及參選人才庫的要件；其次，即使具有高教育程度與專業經歷等條件，蔡英文的出場一開始仍然受到「男性不在場」的性別框架限制，但政治機會的出現與把握是她能夠突破參選人才庫的天花板成為民進黨內最高權力者的主因；最後，台灣社會性別文化由排斥女性參政逐漸轉變為鼓勵女性參政甚至欣賞女性政治菁英特質，也成為蔡英文當選總統的重要脈絡條件。本研究最後認為，以蔡英文為個案來探討台灣女性菁英的政治參與的重要意義在於進一步觀察，蔡英文成為首位女性國家領導人是否有助於提升台灣社會整體性別意識、改變父權的社會結構與文化，最終達成多數甚至全體台灣女性的解放。 / Against the background of global trend of democracy, women appear to be more active in the field of politics and public sphere where they have been absent for a long time. Since the election of the first ever female national leader in Sri Lanka in 1960, we have seen more democratically-elected female leaders around the world. Taiwan held its first direct presidential election in 1996, and elected its first female president Tsai Ing-wen in 2016. This is certainly a notable achievement as far as the pursuit of gender equality in Taiwan is concerned. Through literature analysis and in-depth interview and using Tsai Ing-wen as its case, this study seeks to explore the conditions, institutional as well as cultural, conducive to political empowerment and participation of female elites in the context of Taiwan. It is found that political opportunity, women-friendly culture, and personal capital are important for understanding the success of women in politics. In the case of Tsai, abundant personal capital lays the foundation for her participation in the government and in party politics. Which helps her enter ‘the pools of eligibles and of candidates.’ Despite the various forms of capital Tsai has enjoyed, political opportunities were only available for Tsai when “male are absent” specifically within her party, the Democratic Progressive Party. Last but not the least, an emerging more women-friendly culture among the society in Taiwan also contributes to Tsai’s success in politics. This study concludes that the contribution and value of studying the case of Tsai to discuss the elite women 's political participation in Taiwan lie in first, exploring the conditions that help female elites break the glass ceiling in traditionally male-dominate field of politics; and secondly, emphasizing that the election of Tsai as Taiwan’s first ever female president will only be truly meaningful for the pursuit of gender equality when the society’s gender consciousness is enhanced, patriarchal structure and culture changed, and most if not all women liberated.

La presente tesi di dottorato è articolata in tre capitoli a se stanti che riguardano l’ambito dell’economia applicata e dell’economia dello sviluppo. Il primo capitolo analizza l’impatto intergenerazionale di shock idiosincratici alla situazione lavorativa dei genitori sull'istruzione secondaria dei figli, utilizzando un’indagine longitudinale condotta in Bosnia Erzegovina. Il secondo capitolo tratta delle potenziali conseguenze di lungo termine della guerra civile sulla partecipazione politica. In particolare, l’analisi utilizza le statistiche ufficiali disponibili relative alle elezioni in Bosnia Erzegovina e mostra che nelle municipalità più intensamente colpite dal conflitto, misurato in termini di perdite civili, l’affluenza elettorale e il capitale sociale sono minori. Il terzo capitolo contribuisce alla letteratura sulla “auto-selezione” in termini di salute della popolazione Indiana migrante presente in Inghilterra. L'analisi fornisce evidenza empirica delle differenze in termini di statura ed altri indicatori di salute delle prime e seconde generazioni di migranti in relazione alla popolazione nativa del paese di destinazione, e a quella del paese di origine. / This dissertation is a collection of three self-contained essays in applied and development economics. In the first chapter I evaluate whether educational investments of adolescent offspring are vulnerable to idiosyncratic shocks to parental employment. Specifically, I estimate the short-term impact of parental job loss on children’s enrollment in post-compulsory schooling, introducing a focus on paternal and maternal unemployment, and analysing differential gender specific effects. I further discuss the potential channels of inter-generational transmission with a specific focus on the role played by female labor supply in contexts of developing economies. Using panel data estimation techniques based on four waves of longitudinal household data from Bosnia and Herzegovina, the results show that maternal involuntary employment shocks affects school enrollment of daughters aged 15-18. In the second chapter I analyze the consequences of exposure to civil conflict on voters’ turnout and social participation. Our source of variation in violence exposure is given by war-related civilian fatalities recorded at the municipality level. In a “difference in differences” estimation framework, our results show that the intensity of civil conflict reduces turnout in the medium and long run, up to twenty years after the end of the war. War exposure is also associated with lower generalised trust and worse measures of social participation. The third chapter evaluates height performances of first and second generation migrants of Indian origins in England, with respect to adults and children in India, and the native population at destination. We provide evidence of migrants’ “self selection” on health, and we show that the circumstances in which individuals are born and raised can contribute to the definition of body size, in addition to the genetic channel and to the traits transmitted by maternal characteristics through gestation.

Thesis (MA)--University of Stellenbosch, 2011. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Canada between 1945 and 2010 has been classified as a prominent "middle power." At the same time its relative standing among nations has been declining and it has less regard in the world than it once did. Middle power theory seeks to classify those nations who in the wake of the Second World War were neither great powers nor non- great powers. The idea of middlepowermanship greatly appealed to Canadians and they undertook initiatives to separate themselves from the non-great powers. Canada is often seen as the exemplary case for observing middle power status. Through the post war era and the Cold War Canada was both economically and politically powerful. By getting involved in a plethora of multi-lateral bodies such as the United Nations and the Commonwealth while promoting peacekeeping and mediation, Canada was able to exert its growing influence on the world order. Throughout this time Canada worked hard to build its reputation as a mediator and specialized in ending quarrels. This is true of Canada’s involvement in the Commonwealth in the 1960s and 1970s with regard to the Rhodesian question. On two separate occasions it was the Canadian contingents that prevented the Commonwealth from dissipating. This further bolstered Canada’s rise to prominence in the world order. Over the years, as Canada took on more initiatives resources became very thinly spread. With an economic slow down and new commitments to national policies (universal healthcare and pensions) the Canadian budget was rearranged and priorities changed. No longer were there the same resources available to middle power initiatives or the military. This has greatly impacted Canada’s ability to participate in international projects. Recently, Canada’s position in the world has come into question, asking whether or not it truly is still a middle power. By looking at various traditional middle power elements including the economy, peacekeeping, official development assistance and involvement in multilateral bodies it can be seen that Canada’s prominence is waning. Using the case study of Zimbabwean/ Canadian relations through the 20th and 21st centuries, the decline of Canada’s middle power performance can be traced. Combining these different themes with hard and soft power theory it is clear to see that Canada no longer holds the same position of middle power it once did. It also shows that Canadians are holding onto an image of Canada, which is dated, and it is time to redefine Canada’s position within the world order. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Tussen 1945 en 2010 is Kanada geklassifiseer as ’n prominente “middelmag.” Terselfdertyd het Kanada se relatiewe posisie ten opsigte van ander nasies begin afneem en minder aansien in die wêreld geniet as voorheen. Die middelmag-teorie poog om daardie nasies te klassifiseer wat na die Tweede Wêreldoorlog nóg grootmagte, nóg kleinmagte was. Die Kanadese was aangetrokke tot die idee van middelmagskap en hulle het inisiatiewe onderneem om hulself van ander nie-grootmagte te onderskei. Kanada word dikwels gesien as die toonbeeld van die middelmag rol. Gedurende die post-oorlog era, asook tydens die Koue Oorlog was Kanada beide ekonomies en polities invloedryk. Deur betrokke te raak in multi-laterale instellings soos die Verenigde Nasies en die Statebond, en terselfdertyd vredeskepping en bemiddeling te bevorder, kon Kanada sy groeiende invloed op die wêreld orde uitoefen. Gedurende hierdie tyd het Kanada hard gewerk om sy reputasie as bemiddelaar gestand te doen en te spesialiseer in die beëindiging van dispute. Laasgenoemde word veral waargeneem in Kanada se betrokkenheid in die Statebond met betrekking tot die Rhodesië-vraagstuk in die 1960s en 1970s. Op twee verskillende geleenthede was dit die Kanadese invloed wat verhoed het dat die Statebond ontbind. Dit het gesorg dat Kanada se prestige en prominensie in die wêreld orde toegeneem het. Oor die jare het Kanada meer inisiatiewe aangegaan en het die hulpbronne verminder. Dit, tesame met ’n stadige groeiende ekonomie en nuwe nasionale verpligtinge soos universele gesondheidsorg en pensioenfonds moes die Kanadese begroting herrangskik word en prioriteite moes verander. Daar was nie meer dieselfde hulpbronne beskikbaar vir middelmag- inisiatiewe of die weermag nie. Dit het grootliks Kanada se vermoë beïnvloed om aan internasionale inisiatiewe deel te neem. Onlangs het Kanada se posisie in die wêreld onder die loep gekom, en dit word bevraagteken of Kanada nog werklik ’n middelmag is. Deur te kyk na verskillende tradisionele middelmagelemente soos die ekonomie, vredeskepping, amptelike ontwikkelingsbystand en die betrokkenheid in die multilaterale organisasies, word dit waargeneem dat Kanada se prominensie afneem. Deur gebruik te maak van die gevallestudie van die Zimbabwe/Kanada-verhoudinge deur die 20ste en 21ste eeu, kan die afname van Kanada se middelmag-funksie waargeneem word. Met die kombinering van reeds genoemde temas met die teorieë van harde en sagte mag, kan dit duidelik gesien word dat Kanada nie meer dieselfde posisie van middelmag beklee wat dit eens gehad het nie. Verder wys dit dat die Kanadese aan ’n beeld van Kanada vasklou wat ouderwets is, en dat dit tyd is om Kanada se posisie te herdefinieer in die huidige wêreld orde.

Thesis (MPA (School of Public Management and Planning))--University of Stellenbosch, 2009. / The concept of public participation has gained wider acceptance in government circles as a tool to strengthen the pillars of this government’s democratic structures. Globally, governments’ accountability can be gauged by the extent to which they practise public participation in decision-making in facing up to the challenges of the day. The concept of public participation arrived in South Africa in the 1980s and was supposedly applied to the inception of a true democratic dispensation in 1994. In the South African context, public participation cannot be over-emphasised as it underpins the democracy introduced in 1994. Because of the great importance of public participation, the South African government has enacted a number of statutes such as the Constitution (1996) and the Municipal Structures Act (2000) that give substance to public participation. Even though public participation is applied at national and provincial government levels in South Africa, it is principally in the Local Government field where it is widely applied in order to enable good governance and sustainable service delivery. This study examines the role of ward committees in public participation in Local Government, with specific reference to Thulamela Municipality. The study suggests that the transformation and democratisation of South African Local Government can be achieved through effective implementation of public participation at grassroots level. Apart from passing legislation, more needs to be done to stimulate public participation. The study has furthermore found that even though statutes provide for communities to participate in a range of government-created regulatory structures such as the IDP Representative Forums and Ward Committees, municipalities need to develop strategies for public participation. Not only do municipalities need to develop strategies for public participation, they also need to develop proper mechanisms to encourage the participation of community stakeholders and organisations. The study is primarily based on qualitative data collected from Thulamela Municipality through personal interviews with councillors, officials and ward committee members. Moreover, the study also rests on observations at IDP Representative Forums, IDP and Budget consultative meetings, focus group discussions and a review of local government statutes and literature providing knowledge on the subject under study.

Thesis (MPA (School of Public Management and Planning))--University of Stellenbosch, 2009. / Globally participatory democracy is viewed as essential to ensure a high level of legitimacy, contribute to empowerment and strengthen democracy. Although South Africa is a representative democracy, it also adheres to the principles of participatory democracy as Parliament and the nine Provincial Legislatures are constitutionally mandated to elicit public participation in its decision-making and policy processes. This study’s main aim is to determine whether the public participation strategies employed in the South African legislative sector at present are effective and enhance decision-making and policy processes. Following a discussion of the theoretical context and rationale for public participation, a limited international perspective on public participation was given. The study proceeded to explore the application of public participation in the local South African context with specific focus on the legislative environment. In order to provide evidence in support of the research statement an investigation was done on the current state of public participation in the South African legislative environment. Responses from a semi-structured questionnaire on public participation in the South African legislative context were processed into a comparative table to obtain an overall picture of the legislative sector. From the findings it is clear that there are many positive factors and innovative ideas in place across the legislative sector, yet the weaknesses still far outweigh the strengths.