While there are numerous examples of research investigating who would protest and why, the research fields of social movements and political participation have not done enough to understand the motivations of women in protest. Nor are there enough studies of the mobilisation of women in anti-regime protest in a post-communist context. This thesis investigates what motivates women in non-democratic settings to participate in protest, despite the elevated costs and risks given the context. It examines Belarus, a protest movement where women have taken on a prevalent role in the protest movement of 2020. The research design is a within-case study using the method of in-depth interviews. I conduct interviews with ten Belarusian female protesters who are found primarily via a snowball sampling technique. The transcribed interviews are analysed using a framework of collective and selective incentives. The study finds that discontent with the government and belief in the movement’s success are significant motivations, while there is not belief that their own participation will enhance the likelihood of success. Results also show that respondents were motivated by the violence used against protesters, a newfound sense of community between Belarusians, solidarity with protesters, the peaceful repertoires in the movement and group belongingness with other women. Taken together, these results deepen our understanding of protests as motivations in themselves and of motivation as a resource, but foremost of why women protest. The results might incentivise more research to be made on women’s role in protest and motivations to join social movements.

There are some conflicting arguments for the categorization of different variables considered to be important democratic components. On the one side there are those who are advocates for a distinction of a political order and a democratic political order where components such as rule of law resides in the political order. The other side argues that the substantive side has such a large effect on democracy that especially the variable of rule of law should be counted as a democratic political variable. The theoretical idea is that a primary political order is separate and enables the establishment of a democratic political order. What this study seeks to do is to analyze the effects of the two distinctions to determine if a separation of the two is the best option or if they should be merged into one singular distinction or dimension. The primary method for conducting the study is statistical analysis with quantitative data and the aim is to make a generalizable result and conclusion.

"Elections form a key component of democratic governance. Democracy denotes a political system that, among other things, allows citizens to freely choose their government over time through credible, legitimate and acceptable elections; a system which accords them adequate participation in national affairs and a system in which the national affairs are run in a transparent and accountable manner. Democracy as a concept rests upon the consideration that a political leadership in a country must be chosen through an electon governed by fair rules under which social groups and political forces may compete on equal terms. Research has shown that HIV and AIDS may have adverse effects on democracy in Southern Africa. Electoral systems, voter participation, electoral management and administration and political institutions are among the areas of democratisation most affected by HIV/AIDS. ... Chapter one introduces the topic, the research questions to be answered by the research and the research methodology. It also contains a brief literature survey of the research on this topic so far. Chapter two sets out the legal framweork, it gives an analysis of states obligations to ensure political participation based on international and regional standards. The rights of HIV/AIDS infected and affected persons to participate in government and the meaning of [the] right to vote is discussed. The application of the international law obligations to promote and fulfill [uman rights] are discussed and the question 'Do governments have a duty to set up special mechanisms to address the HIV/AIDS pandemic within the electoral context?' is answered. Chapter three is an examination of the relationship between HIV/AIDS and political participation. A brief overview of current electoral statistics and statistics of the trend of the HIV/AIDS pandemic are given. The chapter examines the possible reasons for lack of participation by HIV/AIDS infected and affected persons. Chapter four is a critical analysis of some responses that can be adopted to address the situation. It focuses on mechanical and structural reforms to the electoral process: amending electoral laws and policies to include postal, proxy and other special voting mechanisms; providing for specific legal obligations, for example to have mobile registration and polling stations, to ensure that there is a polling station within a specific distance so that people do not have to walk far and stand in long queues in order to vote. The failure to meet such obligations must have specific legal consequences. Chapter five suggests a more controversial reform of lowering the voting age to address the impact of HIV/AIDS on democracy and children. Chapter six [includes the] conclusion and recommendations." -- Introduction. / Thesis (LLM (Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa)) -- University of Pretoria, 2005. / Prepared under the supervision of Dr. Naz K. Modirzadeh at the Department of Law, American University in Cairo, Egypt / http://www.chr.up.ac.za/academic_pro/llm1/dissertations.html / Centre for Human Rights / LLM

The Zimbabwean society views persons with disabilities (PWDs) ‘as useless liabilities that have no role to play in society.’ The Zimbabwean Government has also forgotten PWDs since they are not mentioned in all the country’s national budgets. This has led to uncountable barriers faced by PWDs in their bid to be included as equal members of the society. Some of the barriers are constant discrimination, sheer poverty, lack of access to mainstream public services and stigma. Hundreds to thousands of PWDs beg for alms in the streets of every town and city. Zimbabwe then has to be reminded that all PWDs have: a right to enjoy a decent life, as normal and full as possible, a right which lies at the heart of the right to human dignity. This right should be jealously guarded and forcefully protected by all states party to the African Charter in accordance with the well established principle that all human beings are born free and equal in dignity and rights. Thus, the era of silence when it comes to the realisation of the rights of PWDs in Zimbabwe has to come to an end. All PWDs in Zimbabwe should know that it is by right and not by privilege to be guaranteed full and effective participation, and inclusion in society. It is time for Zimbabwe to embrace all the rights for PWDs without any hesitation. It is time for humanity to celebrate the inherent dignity, individual autonomy, independence and the right not to be discriminated against for all PWDs. Every lawmaker in Zimbabwe has to be reminded to delete from the statute books all laws which view disability as a medical problem and instead, pass laws which are in line with the human rights-based approach which is a more enlightened, realistic and people-centred approach to disability. No time to play but plenty of time to work…! / Thesis (LLM (Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa)) -- University of Pretoria, 2011. / http://www.chr.up.ac.za/ / nf2012 / Centre for Human Rights / LLM

Die vorliegende Arbeit beruht auf der Beobachtung, dass in der Geflüchtetenarbeit (GA) vor allem Frauen aktiv sind und stellt die Frage, welche Rolle Geschlecht in der GA spielt und wie die weiblichen Ehrenamtlichen ihre Arbeit mit den Geflüchteten erfahren. Besonderes Augenmerk liegt auf der Wahrnehmung von Unterschiedlichkeit und Gemeinsamkeit. Ein dritter Schwerpunkt liegt auf den Strategien, die weibliche Ehrenamtliche einsetzen, um Differenz in der Arbeit mit Geflüchteten zu überwinden. Das erste Paper analysiert zwei quantitative Studien mit deutschen Ehrenamtlichen in der Geflüchtetenhilfe. Es zeigt, dass GA als eine Form von „Care Work“ verstanden werden kann, die von Care-Ethik beeinflusst ist. An zweiter Stelle ergab die Analyse, dass vor allem weibliche Freiwillige ihr Engagement auch als gesellschaftspolitischen Einsatz gegen Fremdenfeindlichkeit und Rassismus sahen. Somit argumentiert das Paper, dass GA entgegen traditionellen Annahmen in der Forschungsliteratur eine Form von politischer Partizipation von Frauen darstellt. Das zweite Paper konzentriert sich auf die direkte Beziehung mit Geflüchteten und basiert auf 22 qualitativen Interviews mit weiblichen Ehrenamtlichen. Sozialpsychologischen Annahmen folgend, dass eine gemeinsame Identität zur Verringerung von Vorurteilen beiträgt, zeigt es auf, wie die Studienteilnehmerinnen Verbundenheit mit Geflüchteten herstellten. Demgegenüber betonen poststrukturalistische, postkoloniale und feministische Theorieansätze die Bedeutung von Differenz, die Konstruktionen von Gemeinsamkeit immer wieder durchschneidet. Schließlich führt das dritte Paper den politischen Care-Ansatz und die Herausforderung durch Differenz zusammen und legt dar, wie weibliche Ehrenamtliche in der GA Differenz mithilfe care-ethischer Grundsätze zu Integration aushandeln. Das Paper bezieht sich auf Care-Ethik, die auf Beziehungen und Verantwortung als zentralen ethischen Maximen beruht und entwickelt die Idee einer ‚caring integration‘. / In German refugee support work (RSW), women comprise the majority of the volunteers. Therefore, this PhD project focuses on the experiences, motivations and attitudes of female volunteers in RSW from three angles. Apart from investigating the role of gender in RSW, it studies constructions of sameness and difference and how the female volunteers resolve the latter in their daily work. The first paper analyses two quantitative studies on German volunteers in RSW. It first establishes that RSW can be conceptualised as a form of care work influenced by care ethics, which potentially forms one motive for women to be drawn to volunteering. Secondly, female volunteers also interpret their voluntary care work politically and employ it as a tool to speak out against racism and right-wing mobilisation. The paper thus demonstrates that contrary to traditional assumptions in the literature, RSW constitutes a form of political participation for women and argues that care and politics are not mutually exclusive. The second paper takes a closer look at the actual experience of female volunteers in RSW based on 22 qualitative interviews. Following social-psychological ideas of a common identity facilitating prejudice reduction, the paper first illustrates how the volunteers form bonds with refugees. However, in a second step it employs poststructural, feminist and postcolonial theory to demonstrate how difference continually intersects and disrupts these constructions of sameness. Finally, the third paper argues that female volunteers in RSW negotiate difference by following a care-ethical approach to integration. Based on the feminist ethics of care which centres on relationships and responsibility, the paper develops the theme of a ‘caring integration’. In addition, it investigates to what extent this notion can be found in the actual practice of female volunteers in refugee support work relying both on the quantitative and qualitative data.

No description available.

This thesis focuses on the topic of Czech political satire on Facebook. It presents an overview of most followed Facebook pages covering the topic and analyses the degree to which their content can be considered a political satire, how the authors use satire and to what impulses they usually react. The theoretical part introduces the concept of satire as a genre and the criteria it should meet in order to be considered as such. Next part of the thesis introduces theories focusing on political satire and their historic development in the Czech Republic. The thesis also presents expert opinions on the question of to what degree can sharing and interacting with political satire content on Facebook be considered as political participation. The analytical part describes the selected Facebook pages in a certain time period and evaluates their content, activity and authorship of its posts. After selecting a representative sample of the pages, three pivotal socio-political events of 2019 were chosen. The thematic focus of the posts and methods the content authors use to achieve satire is analysed for the period these events took place. For each of the events, a sample posts are provided as well as the most commonly satirised public personas and the context in which they are satirised. The goal of the...

This paper examines the lowest political participation groups in Swedish society, through four interviews with people who belong to various social groups with the lowest levels of political participation. The aim of this study is to increase the understanding of how political inequalityis manifested in Swedish societies. The purpose of this thesis is to map what factors characterize people who are politically active within the groups of society with the lowest levels of political participation in terms of resources, motivation, and recruitment network. The second aim of this research is to understand what factors are important to their political involvement. We hope that the findings of this research can be used as guidelines in futurework to encourage increased participation among the groups that have the lowest levels of participation in Sweden. This paper uses a multi-method study that combines the quantitative method and qualitative method. The multi-method study allows us to examine the research questions from a quantitative and qualitative angle. The qualitative part of the study examinesthe factors that make individuals from the least represented groups in society participate. The qualitative part of the study concluded that the factors that make individuals from the least represented groups in society partake in politics are, network, time and motivation as three decisive factors that influence political engagement among the groups that are far from politics.The results also show that those who are furthest from politics values the right to vote and therefore participate even though they have no interest in politics, it can also be interpreted as a sense of social duty. / Denna studie undersöker fyra intervjuer med personer som tillhör olika grupper som står långt från politiken för att öka förståelsen om hur den politiska ojämlikheten ser ut i svenska samhället. Vi hoppas att de fynd som hittats i denna studie kan användas i vidare studier och i arbete om att främja ett ökat deltagande bland de grupper som deltar i minst utsträckning i Sverige. Syftet med uppsatsen är att kartlägga vilka faktorer som utmärker personer som är politiskt aktiva inom de grupper som står långt från politiken i termer av resurser, motivationoch nätverk samt vilka faktorer de anser som viktiga för deras politiska engagemang. För att göra detta har uppsatsen använt flermetodsstudie som kombinerar kvantitativ metod och kvalitativ metod. En flermetodsstudie ger oss möjligheten att undersöka de givna frågeställningarna utifrån både en kvantitativ och kvalitativ vinkel, vilket ger studien både en bredd och ett djup. Den kvantitativa delen identifierar de olika grupperna i det svenska samhället som har ett lågt politiskt deltagande genom en enkätstudie. Den kvalitativa delen av studien synliggör de faktorer som får individer från de minst representerade grupperna i samhället att visa på ett politiskt deltagande. Den kvalitativa delen av uppsatsen framförföljande slutsats; nätverk, tid och motivation är tre avgörande faktorer som påverkar politiskt engagemang med bland de grupper som står långt ifrån politiken. Resultaten visar även på att de som står längst ifrån politiken värderar rösträtten vilket gör att de deltar trots att de saknarett intresse för politik, vilket kan tolkas som en känsla av samhällsplikt.

This thesis investigates the relationship between contemporary climate protest movements (Extinction Rebellion and Fridays For Future) and governmental bodies in European countries that declared a climate emergency in 2019. The primary contribution of this thesis is to demonstrate how emerging communication practices by these movements compare to the perceived influence of such practices among political decisionmakers in their governing bodies’ votes for a climate emergency declaration. Twitter content (tweets by movement accounts) surrounding protest actions of the climate movements was coded using concepts deduced from theoretical literature of participation, media and communication. Themes induced from this data were also used for coding. A thematic analysis of empirical interview text from semi-structured interviews of nine politicians in eight governmental bodies (six German city councils, that of Innsbruck, Austria and the Swiss cantonal parliament of Vaud) on this subject matter was done similarly. Relational thematic analyses of both datasets influenced the coding of one another. A frame analysis grounded in these data studied the use of social media imagery and text by the two movements. Another look at the interview data reflects the influence these movements had on climate emergency declarations via comparison of politicians’ stated impressions of the movements’ participation/influences with formations of tweeted movement frames. The data support the hypothesis that citizens engage via the connective power of personalized participatory culture on social media, enabling political participation. Today, we see a shift away from a political logic of social movements abiding to strong shared identity and meaning through frames of collective action. Instead, a social media logic, which aims to achieve the same functions, operates in loosely networked movements based on individualized frames of youth identity. This ‘connective identity’ bridges the participatory culture of social media with offline political participation in the streets and halls of power.

Recognizing the importance of civic engagement to the health of local communities and the overall success of a democracy, this research sought to better understand the relationship between online media use and civic engagement. Specifically, the constructive potential of the social networking site Facebook was explored using the theoretical framework of communication infrastructure theory (CIT; Ball-Rokeach, Kim, & Matei, 2001). Results of a cross-sectional survey with a national sample of 375 participants indicated that Facebook does hold potential for civic engagement. The two most important findings of the research were that Facebook facilitated connection to neighborhood storytelling and that connection to storytelling was positively associated with civic engagement. As such, results indicated that Facebook holds potential for civic engagement insofar as the site facilitates connection to neighborhood storytelling. Additionally, Facebook was a regular part of participants’ daily routines, a means to maintain social capital, and a forum for occasional civic participation. Cumulatively, these results highlight a number of strengths that citizens and communities can build upon to improve social capital and increase civic engagement.