Syftet med denna studie är att med hjälp av modeller om medborgarskap undersöka blivande gymnasielärares syn på medborgarskap och politiskt deltagande i förhållande till sig själva och deras framtida elever. Studien berör blivande lärares föreställningar kring fyra områden; politiskt deltagande, medborgarskap, kontroversiella ämnen och politisk aktivism samt undersöker förväntningarna som de har på elever utifrån dessa fyra huvudpunkter. Materialet har samlats in genom kvalitativa samtalsintervjuer med fyra stycken blivande gymnasielärare utifrån en semistrukturerad modell. De har därefter analyserats med hjälp av olika kärnfrågor och de fyra områden – som presenterats ovan – med ursprung från Isin & Turners modeller för medborgarskap. Kärnfrågor i detta fall är de frågor i intervjuguiden (Se Bilaga 2) som baserats på de frågeställningar som studien bygger på. Svaren har sammanfattats och presenterats i en tabell där varje respondents svar har jämförts med varandra för att synliggöra återkommande mönster och föreställningar. Resultatet visar både likheter och skillnader mellan respondenternas och utifrån detta identifieras en idealtyp för hur medborgaren bör se ut baserat på återkommande gemensamma föreställningar. Svaren jämförs även med Isin & Turners (2002) liberal och deras republikanska modell. Svaren kan inte sammankopplas helt till varken liberal eller republikansk modell utan hamnar i ett mellanläge.

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This study examines politics disadvantages used in competitive policy debate. Specifically, this research examines politics disadvantages for their role and relevance in deliberation, an important form of political communication. Deliberation is the means by which citizens can engage in discussions of salient policy issues, and make political judgments about policies. This study developed a grounded theory about the type of deliberation manifest in politics disadvantages. Pre-constructed politics disadvantages from websites such as PlanetDebate.com, Cross-X.com, as well as from summer policy debate workshops were analyzed to develop a grounded theory. Through the process of coding and theoretical memoing, categories of political communication emerged from the disadvantage shells. The theory indicated that politics disadvantages develop an acontextual, narrowly adversarial view of deliberation. This theory was juxtaposed against already established theories of deliberation to reveal that politics disadvantages show serious deficiencies in the ways in which deliberation is taught to policy debaters.

Valdeltagandet i EP-valet har historiskt sett varit betydligt lägre än valdeltagandet vid nationella val, både för medborgare i Europeiska unionen som hos de svenska medborgarna. I denna undersökning tittar vi närmare på de faktorer som potentiellt påverkar huruvida man deltar eller ej. Från den tidigare forskningen hämtar vi förklaringar som kön, ålder, utbildning etc och applicerar dessa på valdeltagandet. Vi ämnar undersöka i vilken utsträckning samma individer deltar i riksdagsvalet och EP-valet, samt att undersöka vilka faktorer, om några, som påverkar benägenheten hos individer att delta i riksdagsvalet och EP-valet. Vi undersöker om det är samma eller olika faktorer som påverkar deras deltagande i dessa val. Vi använder data inhämtat från Europaparlamentsvalundersökningen 2019 som genomfördes i samarbete mellan Statsvetenskapliga institutionen vid Göteborgs universitet och Statistiska centralbyrån (SCB) och med hjälp av en korstabell och logistisk regression kommer vi bland annat fram till att det finns ett statistiskt signifikant samband mellan utbildning och politisk kunskap och deltagande i EP-valet, vilket inte finns i riksdagsvalet. Vi ser även att det finns ett statistiskt signifikant samband mellan kön och deltagande i riksdagsvalet vilket inte finns i EP-valet. Faktorerna inkomst, politisk diskussion och konsumtion av politiska nyheter har ett starkare samband och påverkan i riksdagsvalet än vad det har i EP-valet. Medan politiskt intresse har ett starkare samband och påverkan i EP-valet än i riksdagsvalet. / The voter turnout in the elections to the European Parliament have historically been low among the citizens in the European Union, including Sweden. In this study, our aim is to further investigate which factors affect voter turnout. From the previous research, we derive explanations such as gender, age, education, etc. and apply these to voter turnout. We intend to investigate to what extent the same individuals participate in the parliamentary elections and the European Parliament elections, as well as to investigate which factors, if any, influence the propensity of individuals to participate in the parliamentary elections and the EP elections. We are interested in investigating whether similar or different factors influence their participation in these elections. We use data obtained from the European Parliament election survey 2019, which was carried out in collaboration between the Department of Political Science at the University of Gothenburg and Statistics Sweden and by using a cross table and logistic regression, we conclude that there is a statistically significant relationship between education and political knowledge and participation in the EP election, which is not found in the parliamentary election. Additionally we discover that there is a statistically significant relationship between gender and participation in the parliamentary election, which is not found in the EP election. The factors income, political discussion and consumption of political news have a stronger connection and influence in the parliamentary elections compared to the EP elections. Conversely, political interest demonstrates a stronger association and influence in the EP election than in the parliamentary election

This dissertation considers the political behaviour of youth in Whitefish River First Nation. This small Ojibway community located near Sudbury, Ontario is used as a case study to inquire into the political experiences, attitudes and behaviour of youth. Rooted in Community-Based Research and Indigenous Research Principles, conversations were carried out in a circle-method referred to as Discussion Circles to assess the political behaviour of youth between the ages of 16 and 25. While this study is heavily qualitative-focused, it includes some quantitative components. These include a youth political participation questionnaire and electoral participation data for Whitefish River First nation in federal, provincial and band elections. Results demonstrate that the youth have a unique experience of politics defined by their identities, community and relationships. Their political behaviour is complex and nuanced. While they may not participate in conventional political activities, they are heavily involved in activities that are rooted in their culture and traditions. The community overall is democratically healthy and tends to participate widely in federal and provincial elections. Youth are for the most part satisfied with their lives in the community, but there are significant challenges due to the consequences of colonialism. Many of these implications affect their political behaviour. / Thesis / Master of Arts (MA)

This study is an analysis of the organization and management of regional public transport in Sweden. The goal is to chart and analyze how different regions organize and manage public transport in order to understand if, and to what degree, the management can be considered democratic. The research questions are answered through a document study of statutory documents where the regions describe their organizations, as well as through interviews with regional politicians involved with public transport. The collected data is analyzed against a theoretical background of democratic governance and public administration, leading to the conclusion that the management of public transport is characterized by a high degree of leeway. The management of public transport seems to be working in the sense that the practical implementation is sufficient. However, the management does not seem to work in a democratic sense, since the organization is too complex to understand without excessive effort. The effort required to do so risks a democratic deficit where citizens do not use their democratic power.

Demokrati som politiskt system är aldrig stabilare än det stöd det har hos befolkningen.Samtidigt visar studier att Sverige upplever en anmärkningsvärd minskning i stödet för demokrati bland de yngre medborgarna. Mot bakgrund av detta utforskas i denna studie vilken betydelse den demokratimodell som ett politiskt beslut fattas enligt har för ungas stöd gentemotden politiska beslutsprocessen. Därigenom dras slutsatser om möjliga alternativ för att reformera den representativa modellen genom att antingen förstärka eller försvaga demokratin.Detta undersöks genom ett surveyexperiment (N=134) med respondenter i åldern 18-29 år.Respondenterna fick svara på en enkät om deras attityd gentemot en politisk beslutsprocess där politikerna hade fattat beslutet antingen utifrån resultatet av en nationell folkomröstning,digitala deliberativa möten eller en expertgruppsutrednings slutsatser. En blygsam effekt av demokratimodell på stöd för beslutsprocessen uppmättes, men där expertdemokrati uppvisade en signifikant starkare effekt på stödet för beslutsmetoden jämfört med direkt demokrati. / Democracy as a political system is never more stable than the support it enjoys among the mass public. At the same time, studies show that Sweden currently experiences a remarkable decrease in democratic support among its´ younger citizens. This study examines if the model of democracy that a political decision is made according to, affect young people’s support for the political decision-making process and thus explores possible avenues for reforming the representative model by either strengthening or weakening democracy. This is investigated through a survey experiment (N = 134) among respondents aged 18 to 29 years old. The respondents were asked to answer a survey about their attitudestowards a political decision, where the politicians had grounded their decision in either the result of a national referendum, digital deliberative meetings, or the conclusion by a group of experts. Modest effects of democracy models on support for the decision-making process were found. However, expert democracy had a significantly stronger effect on support for the decision method compared to direct democracy.

Political participation is a vital part of modern democracies which can be described as a way to convey the interests and the preferences of citizens and exert pressure on the government to align with the will of the citizens. For this sake it could be considered a democracy problem that citizens participate to varying extents, where people living in disadvantaged areas participate to a lesser extent compared to people in areas with a higher degree of resources. This study sets out to investigate the reasons behind this reality, using the components of the Civic Voluntarism Model as explanatory factors behind political participation within areas of different resource levels and comparing the finding between the areas to see which factors matter the most depending on the area. The research questions used are (1) Which effect do resources, motivation and recruiting network have on political participation in disadvantaged areas, and (2) Do the effects differ between disadvantaged areas and other areas? The questions will be answered using logistic regression on a data set from the 2021 SOM-survey in Gothenburg. The results show that the Civic Voluntarism Model has a higher degree of explanation in disadvantaged areas and that the factor showing the strongest degree of explanation is being a member of a local association, especially in disadvantaged areas. Some of the results are however contradictory to previous research, which gives rise to a discussion whether quantitative methods are appropriate for understanding participation – and the lack thereof – or if this needs to be further examined using qualitative methods. Keywords:

This study investigates the driving forces of political participation in the Netherlands from a perspective of political equality. Following an article by Jan Teorell (2006) a procedural approach of political equality is examined by studying whether resources or incentives make up the primary driving forces of political participation. An equality hypothesis is derived from normative democratic theory perspectives of participation. The hypothesis is divided in two parts. 1a. and 1b. state that resources should have no direct impact on political participation and incentives should have a direct impact on political participation. Hypotheses 2.a. and 2.b. state that resources do not have an impact on incentives known to impact political participation and that incentives have an impact on resources known to impact political participation. The Dutch panel data LISS (Longitudinal Internet Studies for the Social Sciences) is used and cross-lagged effect models test the hypotheses. The panel data approach improves on previous research in that it ensures the correct temporal order of cause and effect. This helps us better understand the causal relationships at hand compared to previous cross-sectional approaches in the literature. This also enables us to disentangle the effects of all different factors on each other. The results show that while incentives do have some effect on political participation, resources remain significant when controlling for incentives. Furthermore, the results show that resources and incentives are tangled and have several reciprocal relationships with each other as well as political participation itself. In light of these findings, it is concluded that opportunities for political participation are not equal in the Netherlands, despite it being a least-likely case for political inequality. Additionally, the relationships between resources, incentives and political participation in relation to political equality are more complex than normally assumed in the literature.

No / The rights of minorities are becoming increasingly important, especially in the context of enlargement of the European Union, yet there are remarkably few treaties dealing with minority rights under international law. One of these is the Council of Europe's Framework Convention for the Protection of National Minorities. This volume provides the first expert commentary on the Convention, which is the principal international document establishing minority rights in a legally binding way. Many minority rights such as those to political participation, non-assimilation, and the use of native languages are not incorporated in other major Human Rights agreements. The Convention is therefore often taken to be the leading standard in the international law of minority rights.