Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T14:57:48Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Rosilene Wansetto.pdf: 1046110 bytes, checksum: a113a8fdfdfa3fca6d45b8f317a22221 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009-10-09 / Participatory democracy is the subject of numerous studies. In this research, we intend to contribute to renewing the analysis of the topic, highlighting the participatory political action with a view to formulating a popular project to Brazil. The completion of this project requires profound social changes and, therefore, collides with the liberal-democratic model of political representation. For this reason, the search for alternatives to that model is present in the struggles of contemporary social movements, especially in Latin America. Upon analyzing this challenge, we will focus on the perspective of Movimento Consulta Popular MCP / A democracia participativa é objeto de numerosos estudos. Nesta pesquisa, pretendemos contribuir para a renovação da análise do tema, destacando a ação política participativa com vistas à formulação de um projeto popular para o Brasil. A realização deste projeto implica transformações sociais profundas e, portanto, se choca com o modelo liberal-democrático de representação política. Por esta razão, a busca de alternativas a este modelo está presente nas lutas dos movimentos sociais contemporâneos, especialmente na América Latina. Ao analisarmos este desafio, centraremos o foco na perspectiva assumida pelo Movimento Consulta Popular MCP

O presente artigo analisa uma das propostas mais consolidadas de mecanismo de gestão pública participativa em nível local: o orçamento participativo (doravante OP). Mas, apesar da riqueza de abordagens e a diversidade de estudos sobre as principais propostas de OP, tanto no estado do Rio Grande do Sul, quanto outras propostas em nível nacional e internacional, observou-se uma lacuna nesta literatura: trabalhos que incorporassem pesquisas regionais a esse respeito. Apoiado em uma breve contextualização dos modelos de administração pública pelo mundo e no Brasil, por uma bibliografia que indica a relação intrínseca entre gestão pública participativa (GPP) e o orçamento participativo (OP) e, na brecha encontrada de estudos de caso regionais, este artigo busca descrever as propostas de OP na Região Metropolitana de Porto Alegre (doravante RMPA), zona de concentração de rendimentos, translado de população, mas também de muita desigualdade social. Questiona-se assim a efetividade de propostas locais de OP para desenvolvimento de gestões mais democráticas e participativas. A partir de um panorama geral da RMPA, de uma radiografia dos municípios com OP na região, bem como análise de seu desenho institucional no período de 2009 a 2012, buscou-se compreender as características da gestão pública participativa nas administrações locais. A análise de seu funcionamento em 10 (dez) prefeituras diferentes, revelou as limitações de um mecanismo de gestão na intenção de mudar todo um aparato burocrático que estrutura o país. Porém, iniciativas como as da RMPA merecem destaque e não devem ser esquecidas ou excluídas, seja por mudanças partidárias (falta de vontade política) ou dificuldades financeiras e falta de investimentos. Os resultados dessa análise visam apresentar o estágio atual de desenvolvimento desses mecanismos de inclusão dos cidadãos nas decisões sobre o orçamento municipal. / In the following essay, I shall analyze one of the most consolidated mechanisms of participatory public administration at local level: the participatory budgeting (PB). Despite the abundance of approaches and the diversity of studies about the main PB proposals, either in the state of Rio Grande do Sul, as others proposals at national and international levels, it is evident the existence of a gap in this literature: the lack of studies that incorporate regional research. Supported by a brief explanation on the models of public administration around the world – and especially in Brazil – made trough a literature that indicates the inherent relation between participatory public administration and participatory budgeting (PB), and also encouraged by the lack of regional studies, this essay shall describe the PB proposals in the Porto Alegre Metropolitan Area – a region characterized by income concentration, population flux, and also social inequality. I question the effectiveness of the local PB proposals for the development of more democratic and participatory administrations. Starting from a general view of Porto Alegre Metropolitan Area (a description of the cities with PB in the area, as well as an analysis of their institutional framework in the 2009-2012 period), I aim to identify the characteristics of the participatory public administration in the local governments. The analysis of how PB works in 10 (ten) different cities reveals the limitations of this administration mechanism at its capacity of changing an entire bureaucratic apparatus that frames the country. However, initiatives like that of Porto Alegre Metropolitan Area deserve to be recognized and they should not be excluded or forgotten, either because of party changes (lack of political will) or financial difficulties and lack of investments. The results of this analysis aim to present the current stage of development of these mechanisms of citizen inclusion in the municipal budgeting.

A presente tese analisa a relação do movimento LGBT (Lésbicas, Gays, Bissexuais, Travestis e Transexuais) com o Governo Federal mediada pela estrutura de participação política centrada no Conselho Nacional de Combate à Discriminação de LGBTs (CNCD/LGBT) e nas Conferências Nacionais LGBT. A partir da abordagem teórica marxista o trabalho problematiza questões referentes aos estudos de gênero e sexualidade próprios do pósestruturalismo e da teoria queer. Articulando alguns conceitos centrais destas correntes teóricas no interior da problemática da totalidade, própria ao marxismo, e ao conceito de Estado Integral ou Ampliado de Antônio Gramsci, o movimento LGBT é considerado como processo de constituição de sujeito “para si”. No curso de seu desenvolvimento este sujeito passa a atuar na arena da sociedade política sob a lógica da parceria e colaboração com o Estado. O objetivo do estudo é avaliar se a relação entre movimento e governo, por meio da participação em espaços institucionais que atuam como aparelhos hegemônicos, é caracterizada pelo consenso ativo de quadros e lideranças LGBTs junto ao bloco que governou o país entre 2003 e 2016, constituindo-se em relação de hegemonia. A metodologia utilizada abarcou análise quali-quantitativa, tomando como base publicações da ABGLT, em particular as que trabalham com o conceito de Advocacy, entrevistas em profundidade com atores chave que ocupam posições centrais na estrutura participativa em questão e a realização de censo com participantes do V Congresso Nacional da ABGLT, constituindo banco de dados para análise estatística Os resultados do estudo indicam que o processo de institucionalização do movimento, aprofundado pela atuação nos espaços participativos, incide na sua relação com o governo de modo a afastar do campo de ação do grupo subalterno a lógica do conflito. Os espaços de participação atuam como meio de organização, mobilização e definição de pautas, canalizando para si e neutralizando insatisfações e críticas da população LGBT frente às ações do poder público. O trânsito de quadros entre espaços da sociedade civil e da sociedade política marca o transformismo de lideranças e intelectuais do movimento. Sob tais condições o governo exerceu sua hegemonia política sobre o movimento LGBT por meio dos espaços participativos criado no Estado. / This dissertation analyzes the connection between the LGBT movement (Lesbians, Gays, Bisexuals and Transgenders) and the Federal Government mediated by the structure of political participation focused on the National Council Against the Discrimination of LGBTs and on the LGBT National Conferences. Therefore, this text, based on the Marxist theoretical approach, analyzes issues concerning gender and sexuality studies typical of poststructuralism and of the queer theory. By articulating some essential concepts of these theoretical approaches within the issue of totality, typical of Marxism and of Antônio Gramsci’s Integral or Extended State matters, the LGBT movement is considered a process of subject formation “for itself”. Throughout the development of this subject, he or she starts to act in our society’s political arena under the logic of partnership and cooperation along with the State. Thus, the aim of this study is to evaluate if this connection between the LGBT movement and the government, via the participation of the movement in institutional environments that act like hegemonic sets, is, in fact, characterized by the active consensus of LGBT leaderships that worked along with the group who ruled the country between 2003 and 2016, forming itself in a relationship of hegemony. The methodology adopted used qualiquantitative analysis, taking as its base the publications of ABGLT, specially the ones that deal with the concept of Advocacy, interviews with artists who are in important positions regarding the participative structure analyzed in this dissertation, as well as the achievement of census with participants of the V ABGLT National Congress, which constituted a data bank for statistical analysis The results of this study show that the process of the institutionalization of the movement, stronger due to its acting in participative environments, incise in its relationship to the government, thus alienating the logic of conflict from the group's acting field. These participative environments act like a means of organization, mobilization and definition of agendas, canalizing to themselves as well as neutralizing insatisfaction or criticism that might come from the LGBT population regarding the actions before the State. The transition between civil and political society environments mark the transformation of the movement's leaderships as well as its intellectuals. Under these conditions, the government carried out its political hegemony over the LGBT movement via the participative environments created within the State.

This is a collection of four papers about the All-Affected Principle (AAP): the view that every person whose morally weighty interests are affected by a democratic decision has the right to participate in that decision. The first paper ('Narrow Possibilism about Democratic Enfranchisement') examines how we should distribute democratic participation rights: a plausible version of AAP must avoid treating unlike cases alike, which would be procedurally unfair. The solution is to distribute participation rights proportionately to the risk that a person's interests will be affected. AAP thus implies an account of political equality that requires adherence to the 'one person-one vote' model only if interests are indeed equally affected. The second paper ('Economic Participation Rights and the AAP') argues that AAP supporters have paid insufficient attention to economic participation rights. The exercise of such rights raises unique worries about democratic accountability, which is why their exercise is constrained by a number of duties. The third paper ('What AAP Is, and How (Not) to Fight It') explores how AAP fares in light of possible objections from desirability and feasibility. Unlike crude versions of AAP, a plausibly restricted version of AAP cannot be dismissed as easily as many AAP sceptics may have thought. My reflections here are useful for AAP supporters and sceptics alike: this paper helps clarify what kind of objection can cast serious doubt on AAP. The fourth paper ('Criminal Disenfranchisement, Political Wrongdoing, and Affected Interests') asks: is AAP compatible with criminal disenfranchisement? AAP, when endorsed in combination with a plausible theory of punishment, is compatible with disenfranchising a narrow set of criminal wrongdoers only: those guilty of 'political wrongdoing', which is wrong primarily because it undermines democratic procedures and institutions for private gain. The upshot is that current blanket policies of criminal disenfranchisement are incompatible with AAP.

Pretendemos com este trabalho contribuir para evidenciar a atualidade do debate conceitual sobre a educação popular, em diálogo com o fazer artístico e a intencionalidade política. Para tanto, lançamos mão da observação participante junto a uma iniciativa de grupos de teatro de grupo da cidade de São Paulo, de criação de espaços coletivos de ação e reflexão sobre seu fazer artístico, investigando potencialidades e limites de sua contribuição estética, políti-ca e pedagógica para a formação cultural e política - e conscientização - da classe trabalhado-ra. Nessa trajetória emergiram questões fundamentais para a construção de uma atuação transformadora do ponto de vista estético, das condições materiais, do modo de produção, das formas organizativas dos trabalhadores e trabalhadoras da arte e do teatro, da relação com o público, da interação com movimentos sociais. Tais questionamentos nos remeteram a sua historicidade, identificando continuidades, descontinuidades, contradições e supera-ções em relação a experiências anteriores em que a arte, assim como a educação, como as-pectos da cultura estiveram imbricadas em uma estratégia política de transformação social. / We intend with this work contribute to highlighting the relevance of the conceptual debate on popular education, in dialogue with artistic practice and the political intentionality. For this, we used participant observation with an initiative of theater groups \"group\" of São Pau-lo, of creating collective spaces of action and reflection on their artistic practice, investigating the potential and limits of its aesthetic , political and educational contribution to the cultural and political - and raising awareness - of the working class. Along the way key issues emerged for the construction of a transforming performance - from the aesthetic point of view, the material conditions, of the production process, the organizational forms of workers of art and theater, the relationship with the public, the interaction with social movements. Such questions have referred to their historicity, identifying continuities, discontinuities, contra-dictions and overcomes from previous experiences when art, as well as education, as cultur-al aspects, were intertwined in a political strategy of social transformation.

Esta dissertação trata de examinar a participação política em Porto Alegre, Montevidéu e Santiago do Chile. Para isso, lança mão de variáveis pertinentes a três conceitos, quais sejam: avaliação de serviços, cultura política e capital social. Partiu-se das premissas de que uma melhor avaliação dos serviços, assim como aspectos como valores democráticos, interesse por política e maiores índices de confiança interpessoal e institucional poderiam incidir para que os cidadãos das três cidades participem da política, em partidos, conselhos populares e manifestações. O trabalho evidenciou que os impactos das diferentes variáveis se configuram muitas vezes de maneira diferente de acordo com o contexto examinado, não apenas em intensidade, com também em termos de natureza das relações. Além disso, tornou clara a relevância de elementos principalmente da cultura política, como interesse, atribuição de importância à participação e personalismo, e de capital social, com destaque para a dimensão de confiança institucional. / This dissertation analyzes the political participation of citizens in Porto Alegre, Brazil Montevideo, Uruguay and Santiago, Chile. To attain this objective it utilizes three variables derived from three key concepts: services evaluation, political culture and social capital. The study is based on the premise that a better services evaluation, as well as democratic values, political interest e higher levels of interpersonal and institutional trust could influence in the decision of the citizens of the three cities studied to engage in politics, political parties, popular councils and manifestations. The research evidenced that the impact of the different variables vary, given the context examined, not only in terms of intensity, but also in terms of the nature of the relations. Besides the study also showed the relevance of some elements of political culture such as interest in politics, political participation, personalism and social capital, especially institutional trust.

Women and local power: processes of mobilization and female political pathways in Turkey Type: Doctoral dissertation Author: Lucie Drechselová Institutions: Charles University and EHESS, Paris Year: 2018 Abstract This thesis focuses on the issue of women's under-representation in local politics in contemporary Turkey. The intermediary level of politics - party presence in municipalities - is studied with a double approach distinguishing among political parties (AKP, CHP, MHP, and the pro-Kurdish HDP & DBP) as well as among cities (Izmir, Trabzon and Diyarbakır). The Anglo-American body of literature in political sociology is put into dialogue with the French research in the fields of sociology of mobilization, of political elites and of institutions. Gendered perspective is transversal to the whole thesis. Field work was done in 2014, 2015 and 2016 in Izmir, Trabzon and Diyarbakır and took the form of non-participant observation and semi-directed interviews with two hundred female municipal councilors and women holding an intra- party office. Conceptually, seeing parties as heterogeneous entities allows us to study exchanges that take place within the party hierarchy. The place and role of women in the candidate selection processes questions the artificial separation between the "local" and the "national"....

This study is designed to evaluate the impact of citizen participation in the Goals for Dallas program on the establishment and accomplishment of the goals. Also evaluated are the impact of community leaders on the program, the extent and degree of citizen participation, factors which encouraged and discouraged participation, the impact of local media, and the impact on citizen participants of participating. Twenty-five specific findings are presented, based on the compilation and analysis of inputs received from the citizens and community leaders. Among the most important of these are as follows. 1) The extent of participation on the part of those citizens who did participate in the program was significant. 2) Related to the total adult population of the city, the extent of total citizen participation was small. 3) The program as designed and implemented did have a substantial impact in assisting to overcome citizen apathy in the city. 4) The key items which tended to encourage citizen participation were publicity, civic duty, neighborhood meetings, and personal rewards. 5) The general factors which discouraged citizen participation were general suspicion of the program, general apathy, lack of publicity, and a general suspicion of government. 6) Citizen participation had a significant impact on the establishment of goals, and citizen action did modify 60 percent of the originally proposed goals and created twelve new goals. 7) Citizen participation did have some. Impact on the accomplishment of goals, but this impact was relatively small. 8) The citizenry by a substantial majority believes that a misunderstanding exists between the citizens and the leadership concerning the role of citizen involvement in this program. 9) The citizen participants in this program believe that participation in this effort increased their competency as citizens. Based on the analysis and interpretation of data, comments, and opinions gathered during this study, ten conclusions are drawn. These conclusions cover the impact of citizens in the program, the favorable impact of the program process (bringing people together in pursuit of common goals), the degree of media support, and the lack of citizen knowledge in how to participate.

劉淳. / Thesis (doctoral)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2010. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 214-228). / Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Abstracts in Chinese and English. / Liu Chun.

A research report submitted to the School of Social Sciences, Faculty of Humanities of the University of the Witwatersrand in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Masters of Arts in Development Studies March, 2016 / The emphasis in making government more accessible to the people has produced dismal effects, this has led to the emergence of civil society organizations claiming to give the voiceless a voice and facilitating participation of the marginalized towards how they are governed. This research, through a case study of the Landless People’s Movement in Thembelihle (LPM – Thembelihle) focuses on the internal dynamics of a community’s participation in social movements. The study questions social movements’ efforts in nurturing participation within them and whether the assumed claims of representation are reflective to the participants needs. The report argues that social movements do not necessarily nurture democratic principles such as participation within them. The reasons for this are: 1) social movements have been engineered to focus on the state as the adversary thus their efforts are outward looking 2) the nature of the issues they tackle are highly politicized and thus attract a large following regardless. Analyzing data from interviews and various documents, first and foremost the study aimed to investigate the level of participation by the community in LPM - Thembelihle using the concept and typologies of participation as stipulated in the ladder of participation. Secondly, the aim was to connect the level of participation to the representation of the participating community in an attempt to find if at all there is a correlation. The findings revealed that in spite of community control of the LPM –Thembelihle branch, a deep degree of participation was not achieved but that did not deter LPM’s representation of the Thembelihle community. As this may be a contradiction regarding the empowering aspects of participation, the study concludes by suggesting that community participation should also be used to enrich social movement organizations considering their structured nature and role as intermediaries / MT2017