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Thesis (MPA) --University of the North, 2001 / Refer to document

Thesis (MPA.) -- University of Limpopo, 2014 / The aim of the study was to determine whether Members of the Limpopo Provincial Legislature misrepresented members of the public in the policy and decision making process. The Choice on Termination of Pregnancy Amendment Act, No. 213 of 2008, when passed in Parliament, might have had good intensions, but has instead led to unintended consequences. Both qualitative and quantitative research methods were used in this study. Questionnaires were used to collect the primary data from MPLs, staff of the Limpopo Legislature and members of the public in districts of the Province while the secondary data was collected from online databases and through literature reviews. A random sampling method was used to collect primary data for this research by using various data collection methods such as questionnaires, face to face and telephone interviews. The collected data was captured in Ms Excel 2007, and then analysed and presented using graphs and tables. Results of this study indicate that the majority of people in Limpopo were not in favour of the bill in question. This was evident in the video recording that was taken at the public hearing held in the Vhembe District where the emotions and expressions including the language used by members of the public was witnessed. The Committee Report that was tabled in the House by the Chairperson of the Committee stated that all districts in the Province were not in favour of the bill. It also became evident that indeed MPLs did not debate the report in the House and also did not consider inputs of the masses made during public hearings before a provincial mandate was given to Permanent delegates at the National Council of Province (NCOP) to vote in favour of the bill. It can thus be concluded that MPLs can take a decision on a bill even if the masses are against it. This clearly indicates that the voices of the people are indeed heard since public hearings are conducted, but all is merely done to comply with the Constitutional mandate.

Com a edição da Lei Municipal nº 16.478/2016, o município de São Paulo institucionalizou a Política Municipal para a População Imigrante, a qual estabelece as diretrizes para um conjunto de políticas públicas municipais direcionadas à população migrante - nesta incluídos os refugiados, refugiadas e solicitantes de refúgio. Além da política municipal ainda inédita no país, a Lei nº 16.478/2016 também inovou por resultar de um processo de elaboração amplamente participativo, a fim de garantir a normatização de uma demanda reivindicada: o acesso efetivo à cidade. No caso específico dos e das habitantes em situação de refúgio, a falta de acesso à cidade significa a deficiência no seu acolhimento efetivo. O presente estudo de caso apresenta-se como uma investigação jurídico-sociológica que verifica se a garantia da participação política da população em situação de refúgio durante o processo de elaboração da referida lei consistiu em um meio de efetivação do seu direito à cidade. Para tanto, utiliza as técnicas de pesquisa teórica nas formas bibliográfica e documental, com o levantamento de obras, diretrizes e normativas sobre o tema, incluindo os documentos oficiais referentes à política municipal em comento. Realizada a análise crítica do material levantado, verificou-se que o direito à cidade significa o direito de participação integral na e da cidade, isto é, engloba tanto o direito de usufruir dos serviços e oportunidades oferecidos pelo ambiente urbano, como o direito de participar politicamente da sua construção. A partir de uma \"nova\" concepção de cidadania, pautada no novo constitucionalismo e no pensamento descolonial latino-americanos, os e as habitantes em situação de refúgio também se qualificam como cidadãos e cidadãs e, portanto, têm direito à cidade. O trabalho conclui pela efetivação parcial do direito à cidade de refugiados, refugiadas e solicitantes de refúgio por meio da garantia do seu direito de participação política durante o processo de elaboração da Política Municipal para a População Imigrante. / With the enactment of Municipal Law no. 16.478/2016, the municipality of São Paulo institutionalized the Municipal Policy for the Immigrant Population, which establishes the guidelines for a set of municipal public policies for the migrant population - including refugees and refugee applicants. In addition to the municipal policy still unpublished in the country, Law no. 16.478/2016 also innovated as a result of a largely participatory process of drafting, in order to guarantee the standardization of a claimed demand: effective access to the city. In the specific case of refugee population, the lack of access to the city means the deficiency in their effective reception. The presente case study presents itself as a juridical-sociological investigation that verifies if the guarantee of the political participation of the refugee population during the processo of drafting that law consisted of a means of enforcement their right to the city. For this purpose, it uses theoretical research techniques in bibliographical and documentary forms, with the collection of works, guidelines and regulations on the subject, including the official documents referring to the municipal policy in question. Once the critical analysis of the material has been analyzed, it has been verified that the right to the city means the right of full participation in and of the city, tha is it encompasses both the right to enjoy the services and opportunities offered by urban environment and the right to participate politically in its construction. From a \"new\" conception of citizenship based on the new Latin American constitutionalism and decolonial thinking, the refugee inhabitants also qualify as citizens, and therefore have the right to the city. The work concludes by the partial realization of the refugees and refugee applicants\" right to the city by guaranteeing their right to political participation during the process of draftinng the Municipal Policy for the Immigrant Population.

[pt] Este trabalho contempla uma investigação sobre juventude e política no contexto contemporâneo brasileiro, tomando a educação popular como centro de sua ação. A expansão dos chamados cursos pré-vestibulares comunitários no Rio de Janeiro, desde a década de 90, vem representando um importante vetor de tensionamento de nosso sistema educacional (SANTOS, 2005), assim como um novo campo de investigação para as ciências humanas. Originados no interior de lutas e movimentos sociais, estes cursos vêm ampliando a possibilidade de ingresso e ação política de jovens das classes populares nas universidades. Partindo de uma compreensão da subjetividade humana como um efeito de agenciamentos coletivos de enunciação (GUATARRI E ROLNIK, 1980), mostra-se interessante pensar os modos de subjetivação construídos nestes cursos e suas consequências nas práticas cotidianas. O processo de construção da subjetividade política (CASTRO, 2008a, P. 254) nestes espaços, envolvendo experiências de engajamento dos jovens que os levam a assumir ações coletivas no campo social, afeta diretamente as maneiras como eles vivenciam o espaço acadêmico. O método da cartografia e as discussões sobre o lugar da imagem técnica no contemporâneo (JOBIM E SOUZA, 2011; GODINHO, 2011) são as principais referências para nossa construção metodológica. A cartografia nos guiou pelas diferentes experiências no campo dos pré-vestibulares comunitários, até a definição da Associação Mangueira Vestibulares como campo de pesquisa. Já as considerações sobre a importância das imagens na contemporaneidade motivaram a criação de uma narrativa audiovisual sobre a dimensão política desse movimento social, construindo um documentário coletivamente com os sujeitos da pesquisa na intenção de ampliar o debate para além dos limites da academia. / [en] This work describes an investigation into youth and politics in the contemporary context of Brazil, taking the popular education as the center of its action. The expansion of so-called pre-university community courses in Rio de Janeiro, from the 90s, has represented an important vector of tensioning of our educational system (SANTOS, 2005), as well as a new field of research for the human sciences. Originated within social struggles and movements, these courses have expanded the entry possibilities and the political action of the young working class in universities. Starting from an understanding of human subjectivity as an effect of collective assemblages of enunciation (GUATARRI & ROLNIK, 1980), proves to be interesting to consider the forms of subjectivity produced in these courses and their consequences in everyday practices. The construction process of political subjectivity (CASTRO, 2008a, P. 254) in these spaces, involve the engagement of young people that lead them to take collective actions, affecting directly the ways they experience the academic space. The method of carthografy and the discussions on the role of image in the contemporary (JOBIM E SOUZA, 2011; GODINHO, 2011) are the main references for our methodology. The carthografy guided us through the different experiences in the field of pre-university community courses, until the definition of Associação Mangueira Vestibulares as our research field. The considerations about the importance of images in contemporary life motivated the creation of an audiovisual narrative about the political dimension of this social movement, building a documentary with the people surveyed in the intention to broaden the debate beyond the boundaries of academy.

Cette thèse initiée en octobre 2013 s’attache à comprendre en quoi les événements politiques survenus en Égypte entre 2011 et 2016 ont pu peser sur les trajectoires individuelles et les registres de l'action collective des Égyptiens installés en France. À partir d'une sociologie des migrations égyptiennes en France, ce travail ambitionne plus largement de comprendre comment un événement peut influencer les trajectoires individuelles de ceux qui n'en sont pas directement témoins. Inscrit à la croisée d'une sociologie des migrations et d'une sociologie de l'action collective, ce travail interroge le poids et les rôles des mobilisations à distance. L'enquête de terrain multisituée (durant laquelle des entretiens et des observations ont été menés dans les villes de Paris, de Marseille, mais aussi dans plusieurs localités égyptiennes), inscrit ce travail dans la lignée des travaux portant sur les formes de politisation par l'événement et contribue aux études sur la participation politique à distance. / Initiated in October 2013, this thesis aims at understanding how the 2011 and 2016 political events that occurred in Egypt may have weighed on both individual trajectories and collective action registers of the Egyptians living in France, more specifically in Paris and Marseilles. Starting from a sociology of Egyptian migrations in France, this work more broadly aims at understanding how an event can influence the individual trajectories of those who are not first-hand witnesses. At the crossroads of a sociology of migration and a sociology of collective action, this work questions the weight and roles of remote mobilizations. The multi-site field survey (during which interviews and observations were conducted in Paris, Marseilles, and several Egyptian localities), inscribes this work in line with works on forms of politicization by the event and contributes to studies on long distance political participation.

兩岸領導人皆曾宣示對於中國統一的期盼，但是對於統一的認知差距卻截然不同，中共希望在其『四個堅持』之下統一中國，而我中華民國卻主張必須統一在自由、民主、均富之下，使得兩岸對於中國統一之主張毫無交集。本文便在此體認下，嘗試從兩岸的選舉制度中，找出兩岸人民享有的參政權利之異同，以了解『民主』在兩岸的佈局。論文的安排，除了就兩岸選舉法規的訂定和演進作一說明外，最主要的內容在於選舉制度的範圍探討其中包括選舉人與被選舉人的參選條件限制，以及選舉機關的角色扮演和職權範圍，其次是分析兩岸在選舉區規劃上，候選人的提名制度上，選舉活動內容上，選舉經費運用上，以及選舉人名冊編造和投票方法上，有著何種程度的差異性。最終試圖找出社會主義和資本主義兩體制下的『選舉』之本質差異以說明兩岸在選舉制度所展現的不同。

每一項新科技產品的誕生，總為人們帶來促進民主參與的無限想像，關於網際網路與公民參與的關係，持「動員」 (mobilization) 看法的學者認為網際網路對於那些在現有政治體系中處於邊緣地位者有協助告知(inform)、組織(organize)與吸引他們參與的功能。然而，也有學者認為網路資源只是對那些原本在傳統政治系統中的活躍份子進行「強化」(reinforcement)作用。強化假說認為，即使網際網路具備開放與去中心化的潛質，它也只對那些既有菁英們(elites)較有幫助，因此，原本參與偏差（biases）的現象仍然存在，甚至可能更為惡化。另一方面，主張「時間取代說」(time replacement)的學者則認為，電腦中介傳播是以現實生活中參與活動的時間，換取在網路上與人互動的時間，必然損害人們實體的社會資本，因此媒介使用對社會和政治參與有負面影響。 檢視過往研究，對於以上三種說法都各有支持，有關影響政治參與的因素，也有不少相關例證，但對於各影響變數之間關聯性的探討則較為缺乏。本研究針對臺北市、新北市及高雄市1,434位20歲以上民眾進行電話調查，嘗試了解不同層次的網路使用行為與選舉參與的關聯，並進一步討論各變項間的相互影響。 研究發現，單純的網路使用與否，對實體選舉參與並無預測力，必須進一步探究不同層次的數位應用情形，而數位使用能力對網路或實體選舉參與所產生的影響，也必須藉由網路政治內容瀏覽、網路政治意見交換及內在政治效能感等變項作為中介變數。這樣的結果顯示，未來欲探討網際網路對政治參與的影響，必須深入區分不同使用型態間的落差。 / The birth of a new technological product always brings to people an endless imagination on how this would promote the political participation. The scholars who think the Internet helps “mobilize” civic engagement believe the Internet helps to “inform,” “organize” and “attract” the individuals who are marginalized in the existing political systems. Some scholars, however, believe the Internet merely has a “reinforcement” effect on those who are already active in the political systems. According to the reinforcement theory, the Internet only benefits the elites despite its features of openness and decentralization; as a result, biases may still exist and even worsen. On the other hand, scholars who propose the “time replacement” theory believe that the time spent on participating in real-world activities is replaced by the time spent online, and this inevitably puts a loss on people’s social capital. Consequently, Internet usage has negative effects on social and political participation. All three above theories are supported by past studies, and there are sufficient findings on the variables that predicted political participation. But a discussion about the correlations between those factors is still lacking. As an attempt to reveal the correlation between the patterns of Internet usage and election related activities, a phone survey was conducted with 1,434 individuals in Taipei City, New Taipei City and Kaohsiung City who are 20-years of age and above. The findings indicate whether one accesses to the Internet or not does not predict one’s participation in voting, and a further analysis of different patterns of Internet usage is required.

This dissertation is a multi-layered examination of the practice of voting, with a focus on the electoral turnout of immigrants. Chapter Two’s statistical analyses show that pre-migration cultural familiarity with democracy, formalized as levels of democratization in source countries, strongly shapes the likelihood of post-migration voting among Canadian immigrants. These origin effects, comparable in size to the best predictors of turnout that we have, exert a persistent influence – affecting turnout not only among the foreign-born, but also among the native-born second generation. Multilevel models demonstrate that the shifting source country composition of immigrant period-of-arrival cohorts provides an alternate explanation for what have previously been identified as generational, racial, and length of residence or ‘exposure’ effects among immigrant voters. This provides further evidence that voting is in most cases habitual, and raises questions about the acquisition, transmission, and reproduction of a voting practice. Chapter Three’s narratives of political development, gathered through in-depth, semi-structured interviews, confirm the importance of parental influence, and suggest that the ‘stickiness’ of practical capacities like voting may be the result of powerful processes of observational social learning. Providing a new twist on dominant models of political socialization, observation of parental voting appears to be the pivotal event in a path-dependent process of political learning, with acquisition of values and beliefs playing a supporting, rather than a leading role. Chapter Four reviews recent efforts among sociologists to amend action theory to make more room for habit, and these efforts are discussed in reference to contemporary research on turnout. I argue that these theoretical revisions still retain too sharp a focus on the cognitive aspects of practice. There is a lack of appreciation for the ways that action itself – our own previous actions and the actions of those close to us – can directly structure outcomes. Evidence from cognitive neuroscience is used to more precisely delineate habitual behaviour and thought. Where the intergenerational transmission of voting behaviour is concerned, culture is often coded directly into embodied practice. Efforts to encourage electoral participation should be built on a better understanding of voting’s substantial behavioural aspects.

This dissertation is a multi-layered examination of the practice of voting, with a focus on the electoral turnout of immigrants. Chapter Two’s statistical analyses show that pre-migration cultural familiarity with democracy, formalized as levels of democratization in source countries, strongly shapes the likelihood of post-migration voting among Canadian immigrants. These origin effects, comparable in size to the best predictors of turnout that we have, exert a persistent influence – affecting turnout not only among the foreign-born, but also among the native-born second generation. Multilevel models demonstrate that the shifting source country composition of immigrant period-of-arrival cohorts provides an alternate explanation for what have previously been identified as generational, racial, and length of residence or ‘exposure’ effects among immigrant voters. This provides further evidence that voting is in most cases habitual, and raises questions about the acquisition, transmission, and reproduction of a voting practice. Chapter Three’s narratives of political development, gathered through in-depth, semi-structured interviews, confirm the importance of parental influence, and suggest that the ‘stickiness’ of practical capacities like voting may be the result of powerful processes of observational social learning. Providing a new twist on dominant models of political socialization, observation of parental voting appears to be the pivotal event in a path-dependent process of political learning, with acquisition of values and beliefs playing a supporting, rather than a leading role. Chapter Four reviews recent efforts among sociologists to amend action theory to make more room for habit, and these efforts are discussed in reference to contemporary research on turnout. I argue that these theoretical revisions still retain too sharp a focus on the cognitive aspects of practice. There is a lack of appreciation for the ways that action itself – our own previous actions and the actions of those close to us – can directly structure outcomes. Evidence from cognitive neuroscience is used to more precisely delineate habitual behaviour and thought. Where the intergenerational transmission of voting behaviour is concerned, culture is often coded directly into embodied practice. Efforts to encourage electoral participation should be built on a better understanding of voting’s substantial behavioural aspects.