Este estudo analisa as relações diplomáticas entre o Brasil e a Espanha sob a ótica da política externa brasileira entre 1936 a 1960, tendo como referências para reflexão: as tensões político-ideológicas geradas pela Guerra Civil Espanhola e pelo alinhamento brasileiro aos Aliados durante a Segunda Guerra Mundial; o anticomunismo como fator de aproximação entre os dois países; a intensificação das ações de intercâmbio cultural e comercial verificada a partir da década de 1950; o fluxo imigratório de espanhóis para o Brasil como um elemento central das relações hispano-brasileiras. Tendo como principal fonte os documentos do Ministério das Relações Exteriores do Brasil, sob a guarda do Arquivo Histórico do Itamaraty/RJ e da Coordenação de Documentação Diplomática em Brasília, procuramos avaliar a posição da diplomacia brasileira frente à Espanha e os interesses que permearam a configuração das relações históricas construídas com esse país. Considerando os momentos de ruptura e permanência, demonstramos que os compromissos firmados no cenário internacional pautaram as atitudes do governo brasileiro frente à Espanha, especialmente entre 1936-1939 e na década de 1940. / This study analyses the diplomatic relationships between Brazil and Spain from the point of view of the Brazilian foreign policy between 1930 and 1960, using as references for the analysis: the political-ideological tensions generated by the Spanish Civil War and by the Brazilian alignment with the Allies during to Second World War; the anticommunism as an approaching factor between the two countries; the intensification of the cultural and commercial exchanges verified in 1950\'s; the emigration current of Spaniards to Brazil as a central element of the Spanish-Brazilian relationship. Using, as the main source for this study, the documents of Foreign Relations State Department of Brazil, under the guard of the Itamaraty Historical File/RJ and of the Coordination of Diplomatic Documentation in Brasilia, we tried to evaluate the position of the configuration of the historical relationships built with that country. Taking into account the moments of rupture and permanence, we demonstrated that the commitments in the international scenery ruled the attitudes of the Brazilian government concerning Spain, especially between 1936-1939 and in the 1940\'s.

Após a Guerra Civil Espanhola (1936-1939), conflito que durou quase três anos e culminou com a vitória das forças conservadoras fascistas e o estabelecimento da ditadura do general Francisco Franco, a Espanha atravessou um período de extrema miséria e desolação, período também conhecido como \"años de hambre\". Camilo José Cela retrata as mazelas sociais deste período em uma narrativa repleta de ironia e cinismo em La Colmena, romance que abriu portas para o realismo social na década de 50. Na obra de Cela, a perspectiva fragmentada da realidade, a reprodução dos valores conservadores e o conformismo disseminados no cotidiano constroem um quadro de inércia e desolação sociais, onde cada indivíduo é obrigado a aceitar a condição em que se encontra, tentando sobreviver por mais um dia em uma sociedade alienada e violenta. / After the Spanish Civil War (1936-1939), which lasted nearly three years and culminated in the victory of the conservative fascist forces and the establishment of General Franco\'s dictatorial regime, Spain experienced times of extreme poverty and despair known as \"años de hambre\". In La Colmena, Camilo José Cela depicts the social maladies of that time through a narrative where irony and cynicism abound. The novel cleared the way for social realism in the 50\'s. In Cela\'s work the fragmented perspective of reality, the reproduction of conservative values and the resignation disseminated in everyday life paint a portrait of inertia and social despair, where each individual is obliged to accept the conditions in which they find themselves and tries to survive one more day in a violent and alienated society.

Le concept d’indicible, aussi complexe soit-il, peut se fonder sur une expérience du sensible, et trouver un contexte commun dans les évènements transgressant la limite et pointant un certain chaos. Ceux de la Guerre d’Espagne ont constitué, par de nombreux aspects, des exemples de ces excès impensables. L’impact de l’environnement sur les créateurs s’est entendu dans les traces thématiques qui s’imposent dans les œuvres composées sur les thèmes de la mort, de la violence ou de la guerre : en partant des phénomènes sonores, ont été relevées des figures qui rendent sensible le dépassement de la limite et la connotation chaotique et font écho à ce qui dépasse l’entendement, comme la destruction de l’homme ou l’inintelligibilité de la mort. Ces figures, relevées grâce à des outils de sémiotique (icônes, indices et symboles peirciens, disjoncteurs d’après Rinn, être et faire inspirés de Greimas, sémiose interne que l'analyse structurelle viendra alimenter), s’inscriront dans des champs sémantiques que nous avons relevés comme étant liés au concept d’indicible contextualisé (démesure ; altérité absolue ; irréel ; mort ; abjection…), non seulement en musique, mais aussi dans les autres arts. Nous explorerons la parenté de ces figures relevant parfois d’un niveau pré-sémique. Nous dégagerons des figures de l’indicible partagées par différents compositeurs espagnols dans des œuvres composées sur ce thème et soulignerons des réminiscences chez certains auteurs, tandis que les spécificités compositionnelles et sémantiques manifestant l’indicible évènement seront explicitées, y compris au sein d’une proto-intrigue dont nous observeront les particularités symptomatiques. / The concept of unspeakable, as complex as it may be, can base itself on an experience of the sensitive, and find a common context in the events exceeding the limit and pointing a certain chaos. Those of the Spanish Civil War have constituted, by numerous aspects, examples of these unthinkable excesses. The impact of the environment on the creators has been heard in the thematic traces which are imperative in the works composed on the themes of death, violence or war: from the sound phenomena, some figures making sensitive the exceeding of the limit and chaotic connotation have been highlighted and echo what is beyond belief, as the destruction of man or the inaudibility of death. These figures rose thanks to semiotics’ tools (icons, indications and peircian symbols, breakers (“disjoncteurs ”) according to Rinn , being and doing inspired by Greimas, introversive semiosis that the traditional structural analysis will come to feed), will join semantic fields which we found as being connected to the contextualized concept of unspeakable (immoderation; absolute otherness; unreal; death; abjection …), not only in music, but also in other arts. We shall explore the kinship of these figures being sometimes of a pre-semic level. We will bring out figures of the unspeakable shared by various Spanish composers in works written on this theme and will underline some recollections at certain authors, whereas compositional and semantic specificities showing the unspeakable event will be clarified, including within a “proto-intrigue” whose we will observe the symptomatic peculiarities.

L’objectif de ce mémoire consiste à mesurer l’impact de la guerre civile espagnole sur l’attitude du Front populaire français face à la collaboration avec l’Union soviétique de 1936 à 1937. Il prend forme dans une étude d’opinion publique et journalistique basée sur un sondage de trois quotidiens français rattachés au Front populaire durant les années 1930, c’est-à-dire L’Humanité, Le Populaire et L’Œuvre. L’analyse s’articule à travers les événements survenus de 1936 à 1937 comme la ratification du pacte d’assistance mutuelle franco-soviétique, l’élection du Front populaire et l’éclatement de la guerre civile espagnole. L’impact du conflit en Espagne se mesure en fait dans l’intensification de la polarisation politique qui influence l’attitude du Front populaire face à la collaboration avec l’Union soviétique. Malgré l’avènement d’un nouveau gouvernement de Front populaire, l’éclatement de la guerre civile espagnole élève la polarisation politique entre la gauche et la droite en France, entamée depuis 1934, à son point culminant. Sans une solide coalition entre la gauche et le centre droit, la sécurité collective menée par l’URSS ne pouvait réussir. Si certains journalistes sont tentés par la politique d’apaisement, d’autres élaborent une vision plus perspicace et réaliste sur la menace que représentent l’Allemagne nazie et l’importance du rapprochement franco-soviétique. / The objective of this research is to measure the impact of the Spanish Civil War on the attitude of the French Popular Front about the collaboration with Soviet Union from 1936 to 1937. It takes shape in a political and journalistic opinion study based on a survey of three French daily newspapers attached to the Popular Front during the 1930s, namely L’Humanité, Le Populaire and L’Œuvre. The analysis is articulated through the events of 1936 to 1937 such as the ratification of the Franco-Soviet mutual assistance pact, the election of the Popular Front and the outbreak of the Spanish Civil War. The impact of the conflict in Spain is in fact measured in the intensification of the political polarization in France which influence the attitude of de Popular Front about the collaboration with Soviet Union. Despite the advent of a new Popular Front government, the outbreak of the Spanish Civil War elevated the political polarization between the left and the right in France, which started in 1934, at its peak. Without a strong coalition between the left and the center right, collective security led by the USSR could not succeed. While some journalists are tempted by the appeasement policy, others develop a more clear-sighted and realistic vision of the threat posed by Nazi Germany and the importance of a close Franco-Soviet relationship.

This thesis will demonstrate that the British leaders saw the policy of non-intervention during the Spanish Civil War as the best option available under the circumstances, and will also focus on the role of the Royal Navy in carrying out that policy. Unpublished sources include Cabinet and Admiralty papers. Printed sources include the Documents on British Foreign Policy, newspaper and periodical articles, and memoirs. This thesis, covering the years 1936-37, is broken down into six chapters, each covering a time frame that reflected a change of policy or naval mission. The non-intervention policy was seen as the best available at the time, but it was shortsighted and ignored potentially serious long-term consequences.

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The outbreak of the Spanish Civil War in 1936 and the Second Sino-Japanese War in 1937 triggered many responses amongst the American public, including a number of private initiatives in medical aid that occupied a borderland between traditional humanitarian relief and political activism. This study is interested in the stories of three organisations arising in this tradition: the American Medical Bureau to Aid Spanish Democracy (AMBASD), the American Bureau for Medical Aid to China (ABMAC), and the China Aid Council (CAC). While three separate initiatives in terms of who was responsible for their creation in the United States, and the communities they sought to help abroad, all three demonstrate parallels in their foundation and development that merit a joint historical consideration. Emerging from the backdrop of isolationism in U.S. foreign policy, the AMBASD, ABMAC, and CAC became a means of voicing both political and humanitarian ideals through the medium of medicine. In many ways, this thesis becomes a study of lost causes. As political campaigns, none of the organisations in this study succeeded in changing U.S. policy, although the ABMAC and CAC benefitted from interests that overlapped with larger changes in U.S. military alliances. As humanitarian organisations, only one (the ABMAC) lived past the conflict to which it owed its foundation. Their story, however, retains its historical interest in challenging both the way in which we examine the mythology of humanitarian idealism, and our understanding of the balance between internationalism and isolationism in the 1930’s United States. For the medical activists of these organizations, medical aid offered both a tangible outlet for personal ethical and political beliefs, but also promised an alternative means of diplomacy that brought greater agency to more popular levels.

Ce mémoire de maîtrise comprend une recherche basée sur l’œuvre dramatique ¡Ay, Carmela !, du dramaturge et directeur du théâtre espagnol contemporain, José Sanchis Sinisterra. Mise en scène pour la première fois en 1987, ¡Ay, Carmela ! est considérée une des plus importantes créations théâtrales représentées depuis l’après-guerre espagnole. Reconnue à l’échelle internationale, ¡Ay, Carmela ! illustre les conséquences de la guerre civile espagnole (1936-1939). À travers l’étude de la structure temporelle et spatiale, ainsi que de l’analyse des caractéristiques des personnages de cette pièce dramatique, le présent travail de recherche essaie de démontrer que les manifestations de la récupération de la mémoire historique se reflètent dans ¡Ay, Carmela !, de telle sorte que la pièce peut être considérée comme précurseur artistique de la « Loi de la mémoire historique » (Ley 52/2007, également appelée la Declaración de reparación y reconocimiento personal). On y retrouve ainsi une forte critique du pacte de silence de la transition démocratique espagnole (1975-1978). Ce travail a comme base méthodologique les outils théoriques de la sémiologie théâtrale (Bobes, García Barrientos, Rubiera) et aussi les écrits de P. Ricœur y de J. Derrida, sur le fonctionnement des mécanismes de la mémoire, de l’oubli et du pardon. Cette recherche se conclut avec une brève étude comparative entre l’œuvre de Sinisterra et l’adaptation cinématographique ¡Ay, Carmela! du réalisateur Carlos Saura. / This MA thesis embodies a research undertaken relative to the play ¡Ay, Carmela !, written by José Sanchis Sinisterra, a Spanish playwright and theatrical director. Staged for the first time in 1987, ¡Ay, Carmela ! is considered one of the most important dramas created since the post-war era. This work, which gained international recognition, perfectly illustrates the consequences of the Spanish Civil War (1936-1939). By examining both time and space, as well as analyzing the characters of this play, the present research intends to prove that the manifestations through which historical memory is recuperated throughout the play ultimately transform it into the forerunner to the “Historical Memory Law” (Ley 52/2007, also known as the “Declaración de reparación y reconocimiento personal”). Moreover, this thorough examination of the play will demonstrate within it a strong critique of the Pact of Silence signed during the Democratic Transition (1975-1978). Two main methodological approaches will be used to do so: that of theatre semiotics (specifically the theories of Bobes, García Barrientos, Rubiera) as well as comparisons to the writings of P. Ricœur y de J. Derrida, which will help support the ideas related to the memory, the forgetting and the forgiveness. Finally, this Master’s thesis will end with a short comparative study between the aforementioned play and the movie ¡Ay, Carmela!, directed by Carlos Saura.

Mémoire numérisé par la Division de la gestion de documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal.