Le violoniste et compositeur mexicain Silvestre Revueltas (1899-1940) est un des principaux acteurs du développement musical du Mexique postrévolutionnaire durant les années 1930. Proche des avant-gardes artistiques mexicaines, la réception de sa musique est marquée par une double appartenance moderniste et nationaliste, au point que certaines de ses œuvres incarnent le modèle de la musique nationale et se trouvent au cœur de la politique symbolique du régime autoritaire postrévolutionnaire. Revueltas s’engage fin 1935 dans l’antifascisme communiste au sein de la Liga de Escritores y Artistas Revolucionarios (LEAR), luttant contre l’avancée du fascisme dans le monde – notamment après le début de la Guerre civile espagnole – et soutenant les avancées sociales obtenues par le Front Populaire Mexicain (FPM). Les conséquences de l’engagement antifasciste de Revueltas sont considérables, particulièrement dans la thématique de ses œuvres, dans sa vie professionnelle et dans l’utilisation symbolique de sa musique à des fins de légitimation par le régime postrévolutionnaire mexicain. Cette recherche analyse, d’une part, l’impact du militantisme antifasciste de Revueltas dans son œuvre et, d’autre part, la fonction de celle-ci dans la politique symbolique du régime autoritaire mexicain autour de la Guerre civile espagnole. Les résultats montrent que l’engagement antifasciste de Revueltas modifie la thématique de la plupart de ses œuvres après 1936 ainsi que sa conception du rôle du compositeur dans les luttes sociales. De ce fait, il devient indispensable de relativiser la réception exclusivement nationaliste de sa musique en la reconsidérant d’un point de vue politique et militant. / Violinist and composer Silvestre Revueltas (1899-1940) was one of the major players in post revolutionary Mexico musical development during the thirties. Close to avant-gardes Mexican artists, the reception of his music is defined by, both modernist and nationalist. Some of his works embody the national music model, and are at the heart of the symbolic politics of the post revolutionary authoritarian regime. Towards the end of 1935 Revueltas engaged himself in communist antifascism by being a member of the Liga de Escritores y Artistas Revolucionarios (LEAR), fighting against the rise of fascism in the world – especially during the Spanish Civil War – and supporting social progress championed by the Mexican Popular Front (FPM). The consequences of Revueltas’ antifascist engagement are considerable especially on the themes explored in his works, on his professional life and on the symbolic use of his music to legitimize the Mexican post revolutionary system. This research analyses, on the one hand, the impact of Revueltas’ antifascist militancy on his work, and on the other, the role of his work on the symbolic politics of the Mexican authoritarian regime during the Spanish Civil War. Results show that Revueltas’ political engagement alters the theme of most of his works after 1936, as well as the composer’s role in a social contest. It therefore appears to be essential to put into perspective the exclusively nationalist reception of his music reconsidering it from a political and militant point of view.

La recherche se donne pour objectif de définir comment la construction des régimes de valeurs artistiques, mémorielles et historiques du Guernica - œuvre d’art réalisée par Pablo Picasso en 1937 - participe à l’écriture patrimoniale du tableau-monument, d'une part, et devient opératoire dans la réactivation ou l’actualisation de la mémoire des événements auxquels il réfère, dans le cadre de la visite muséale, d'autre part. Trois niveaux de recherche ont été pensés. Le premier a été de circonscrire l’objet Guernica en tant qu’objet d’art en posant un socle d’analyse de l’objet détaché de tout contexte, et ce, afin de mieux appréhender ceux par lesquels il existe en tant qu’objet culturel signifié dans des contextes temporels et géographiques. Dans un deuxième temps, l’analyse des différentes mises en exposition du Guernica ont permis de saisir les différentes valeurs d’usage qui lui ont été attribuées et comprendre ainsi comment il s'est construit en tant qu’objet patrimonial. Enfin, dans un troisième temps, au regard d’une analyse détaillée de la mise en exposition du Guernica au MNCARS en 2009 et 2013, 60 entretiens menées selon une méthodologie qualitative après la visite ont été analysé afin de comprendre les valeurs d’usage que mobilisent les espagnols lors de la réception et pour quelles raisons. L’intérêt de l’enquête est d’avoir révélé qu’il existait un éventail de mémoires et d’appréhensions afférentes à l’objet Guernica. Les enquêtes ont été analysées sous le prisme de la sensibilité politique (Républicains et Nationalistes), mais surtout sous celui du prisme générationnel, et pour lequel quatre générations sont identifiées. Les résultats d’analyse par générations, permettent de distinguer deux types de rapport au Guernica : réactivation et actualisation. Les notions de réactivation et d’actualisation (Georgescu-Paquin, 2013) s’insèrent dans une logique de rupture-continuité, nécessaire à tout processus de patrimonialisation (Davallon, 2006). Dans ce cas d’étude, le MNCARS propose un cadre portant sur un versant de l’histoire qui, à défaut d’apaiser les tensions, les ravivent pour certains (Nationalistes) ; tandis que d’autres, se retrouvent dans un processus entamé depuis peu (Républicains), suite à la Loi dite de « mémoire historique » (2007). En revanche, les nouvelles générations présentent un regard apaisé et distancié qui leur permet de rendre opératoire l’écriture patrimoniale du Guernica. / The research aims to define how the construction of regimes of artistic, memorial and historical values ​​of Guernica - a work of art made by Pablo Picasso in 1937 - participates in the patrimonial writing of the painting-monument, on the one hand, and becomes operative in the reactivation or updating of the memory of the events to which it refers, as part of the museum visit, on the other hand. Three levels of research have been thought out. The first was to circumscribe the Guernica object as an art object by placing a base of analysis of the object detached from any context, and this, in order to better understand those by which it exists as a cultural object signified in temporal and geographical contexts. In a second step, the analysis of the different exposures of Guernica made it possible to grasp the different values ​​of use which were attributed to him and this to understand how it was constructed as a patrimonial object. Finally, in a third step, in the light of a detailed analysis of the exhibition of Guernica at MNCARS in 2009 and 2013, 60 interviews conducted according to a qualitative methodology after the visit were analyzed in order to understand the use values ​​that mobilize the spaniards at the reception and for what reasons. The interest of the investigation is to have revealed that there was a range of memories and apprehensions related to the Guernica object. The surveys were analyzed under the prism of political sensitivity (Republicans and Nationalists), but especially under that of the generational prism, and for which four generations are identified. The results of analysis by generations, allow to distinguish two types of report to Guernica: reactivation and actualization. The notions of reactivation and actualization (Georgescu-Paquin, 2013) are part of a logic of rupture-continuity, which is necessary for any heritage-making process (Davallon, 2006). In this case of study, the MNCARS proposes a framework on a side of the history which, if not soothing the tensions, revives them for some (Nationalists); while others, find themselves in a process started recently (Republicans), following the so-called law of "historical memory" (2007). On the other hand, the new generations present a calm and distanced glance which allows them to make operative the patrimonial writing of Guernica.

Considerando a relação História-Cinema, a presente dissertação é uma reflexão sobre a produção cinematográfica anarquista da CNT durante a Guerra Civil Espanhola (1936-1939), a partir da análise de três de seus principais filmes de ficção: Carne de Fieras (1936/1992), Barrios Bajos (1937) e Aurora de Esperanza (1937). Eles foram construídos numa estrutura de narrativa clássica e melodramática e, dotados de temáticas diversas, como o adultério, a prostituição assediada por gangsteres e o drama do desemprego, representam uma iniciativa ímpar na construção de um cinema social, sob o comando de uma poderosa organização anarquista e durante o processo revolucionário. Neste sentido, consideramos também os meandros do desenvolvimento do anarquismo e do cinema espanhóis, cujas singularidades imprimiram uma dinâmica específica àqueles filmes. / Considering the relation between History and Cinema, this present dissertation will ponder on the anarchist cinematographic production of CNT during the Spanish Civil War (1936-1939) through the analysis of three of its most important fiction works: Carne de Fieras (1936/1992), Barrios Bajos (1937) and Aurora de Esperanza (1937). They were structured in a classic and melodramatic narrative and, dealing with several themes, as adultery, gangster-linked prostitution and the misfortune of unemployment, they represent a unique initiative in the construction of a social cinema, under the command of a powerful anarchist organization during the revolutionary process. In this sense, well consider the specifics in the development of Spanish anarchism and cinema, for their singular features have given a specific dynamic to those movies.

(In Spanish) The Spanish Civil war isn't over in the hearts and minds of the people of Spain; rather, it is still being fought in the ideological realm of historical memory. Originally explored in literature and film, the theme of historical memory has not only become more visible and more explicit, but has taken the leap from art and literature into the political realm to become one of Spain's most pressing political issues.

Durant la Guerra Civil, els quàquers es van plantejar ajuda calia detectar els punts de conflicte a Catalunya i cercar l'ajuda directa i alimentar els infants a través de les cantines per evitar desplaçaments que desarrelessin encara més els infants refugiats. Després van veure la necessitat de recolzar i organitzar colònies infantils al camp i a la muntanya per tal d'allunyar els infants dels focus insalubres i destruïts, estimular el seu estat de salut, millorar la seva educació i superar l'estat de desnutrició. Els testimonis en parlen agraïts. La xarxa que van establir els quàquers fou coherents, cohesionada i eficaç. També van coordinar algunes fonts d'ajuda humanitària de procedència estrangera a través d'una Comissió Internacional per tal d'unificar criteris de treball, aprofitar millor els recursos i canalitzar de manera òptima l'ajut econòmic i en espècies que arribava de diferents països. La seva ajuda fou excel·lent i van salvar moltes vides. / During the Civil War, the Quakers set out three objectives in their work.The points of conflict had to be detected, providing direct help and feeding the children through the canteens in order to avoid movements that would disorientate the child refugees even further. They then saw the need to focus on and organise children's holidays in the country and the mountain in order to take them away from the unhealthy and destructive aspects, improve their health and education and overcome their state of malnutrition. All the witnesses with whom I have been lucky enough to speak with were grateful. The third was to coordinate some sources of humanitarian aid from abroad through the International Commission in order to unify the work criteria, make the utmost of the resources and to best channel both economic aid and aid in kind that arrived from different countries. Their support was excellent and they saved many lives.

Ce mémoire de maîtrise comprend une recherche basée sur l’œuvre dramatique ¡Ay, Carmela !, du dramaturge et directeur du théâtre espagnol contemporain, José Sanchis Sinisterra. Mise en scène pour la première fois en 1987, ¡Ay, Carmela ! est considérée une des plus importantes créations théâtrales représentées depuis l’après-guerre espagnole. Reconnue à l’échelle internationale, ¡Ay, Carmela ! illustre les conséquences de la guerre civile espagnole (1936-1939). À travers l’étude de la structure temporelle et spatiale, ainsi que de l’analyse des caractéristiques des personnages de cette pièce dramatique, le présent travail de recherche essaie de démontrer que les manifestations de la récupération de la mémoire historique se reflètent dans ¡Ay, Carmela !, de telle sorte que la pièce peut être considérée comme précurseur artistique de la « Loi de la mémoire historique » (Ley 52/2007, également appelée la Declaración de reparación y reconocimiento personal). On y retrouve ainsi une forte critique du pacte de silence de la transition démocratique espagnole (1975-1978). Ce travail a comme base méthodologique les outils théoriques de la sémiologie théâtrale (Bobes, García Barrientos, Rubiera) et aussi les écrits de P. Ricœur y de J. Derrida, sur le fonctionnement des mécanismes de la mémoire, de l’oubli et du pardon. Cette recherche se conclut avec une brève étude comparative entre l’œuvre de Sinisterra et l’adaptation cinématographique ¡Ay, Carmela! du réalisateur Carlos Saura. / This MA thesis embodies a research undertaken relative to the play ¡Ay, Carmela !, written by José Sanchis Sinisterra, a Spanish playwright and theatrical director. Staged for the first time in 1987, ¡Ay, Carmela ! is considered one of the most important dramas created since the post-war era. This work, which gained international recognition, perfectly illustrates the consequences of the Spanish Civil War (1936-1939). By examining both time and space, as well as analyzing the characters of this play, the present research intends to prove that the manifestations through which historical memory is recuperated throughout the play ultimately transform it into the forerunner to the “Historical Memory Law” (Ley 52/2007, also known as the “Declaración de reparación y reconocimiento personal”). Moreover, this thorough examination of the play will demonstrate within it a strong critique of the Pact of Silence signed during the Democratic Transition (1975-1978). Two main methodological approaches will be used to do so: that of theatre semiotics (specifically the theories of Bobes, García Barrientos, Rubiera) as well as comparisons to the writings of P. Ricœur y de J. Derrida, which will help support the ideas related to the memory, the forgetting and the forgiveness. Finally, this Master’s thesis will end with a short comparative study between the aforementioned play and the movie ¡Ay, Carmela!, directed by Carlos Saura.

Mémoire numérisé par la Division de la gestion de documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal

La tesi estudia la repressió a la universitat espanyola duta a terme pel règim encapçalat pel general Francisco Franco. Primer s'analitzen els esforços republicans per consolidar la democràcia a partir de l'educació, amb l'oposició de l'Església catòlica i les classes conservadores que veuen perillar el seu control i privilegis. La guerra civil converteix la violència verbal en física i es desencadena una contundent repressió que en el cas del funcionariat -i el professorat particularment es disfressa com a depuració professional. El mèrit acadèmic dóna pas al mèrit polític i s'inicia una purga política contra tot docent sospitós o no prou compromès. A diferència de la depuració republicana defensiva i respectuosa amb la legalitat, la franquista escapça l'escalafó amb contundents i generalitzades sancions -assassinats, cessaments, empresonaments, trasllats, inhabilitacions i jubilacions forçoses . A més, la ciència queda sotmesa a la ideologia nacional-catòlica i les vacants esdevenen botí de guerra pels addictes. / This work studies the repression suffered by the Spanish university during the first years of Franco's dictatorship. First of all, the efforts of the Republican government to consolidate the democracy from the bases of the education are analyzed, together with the opposition exerted by both the Spanish Catholic Church and the conservative class, who feared about the loss of power and privileges. The civil war transforms the oral violence into physical violence and triggers the burst of a fierce repression, which in the particular case of teachers, is dressed-up as a professional depuration. Political merits and a political purge against any suspicious professor -or even against professors that are not enough engaged with the new regimen substitute the excellence in the academic records. Contrary to the republican depuration, which was defensive and respectful with the legacy effective, the Francoist depuration beheads the university roster with general and merciless punishments -murders, dismisses, imprisonments, transfers and forced retirements . Moreover, science starts to be ruled by the national-catholic ideology and the available positions become booty for those who prove to be followers of the new regimen.

La Tesi recull els intents d'orientar l'assistència sanitaria i social dels ciutadans de Catalunya per part dels governs amb capacitat de decisió autonòmica, en una línia que va des de les realitzacions de la Mancomunitat fins a les activitats dels consellers responsables de Sanitat i Assistència Social de la Generalitat Republicana.L'aixecament militar del 18 de juliol de 1936 obre un nou capítol durant el qual tots els elements de la vida del país i la seva gent es veuen trasbalsats pels efectes de la guerra. Dos fenòmens alteren l'aparell sanitari: les conseqüències dels fets bèl·lics modifiquen les necessitats habituals i la politització de les seves estructures transforma l'organització.El període de la Guerra Civil es divideix en tres etapes cronològiques. La primera comprèn des de l'inici de l'aixecament el juliol del 36 fins al mes d'octubre del mateix any, quan els anarcosindicalistes entren a formar part d'un nou govern de concentració. S'estudia principalment el paper del Comitè Sanitari de Milicies Antifeixistes i la resposta de la Conselleria de Sanitat davant del "nou ordre". La segona etapa s'estén des de l'octubre de 1936 fins als mes de maig de 1937, data que marca la fi de l'hegemonia anarquista. L'actuació del metge Félix Marti Ibáñez, Director general del Departament, i el paper del Consell de Sanitat de Guerra omplen el capìtol. La tercera etapa recull la darrera fase de la guerra a Catalunya, fins el mes de gener de 1939. La conselleria ha de fer front als problemes dels bombardeigs, dels refugiats, de la manca de queviures i de l'empitjorament de les condicions higièniques i sanitàries de la població. La progresiva militarització de la Sanitat es tradueix en la creació i ampliació de la xarxa d'Hospitals de Sang.El final de la guerra, amb els problemes sanitaris dels civils i soldats que marxen cap a l'exili marca la fi de l'estudi. / En este trabajo se estudia la política y la organización sanitarias llevadas a cabo por el Gobierno de Cataluña durante el período que abarca desde la proclamación de la Segunda República en abril de 1931 hasta el final de la Guerra Civil a principios de 1939.Durante los primeros años del régimen republicano, y tras unas primeras medidas de contenido circunstancial, la aprobación del Estatuto de Autonomía permite al gobierno catalán iniciar una discreta labor legislativa, que se verá interrumpida por los sucesivos cambios de orientación política. Destaca en este período el protagonismo del consejero Josep Dencàs.El período de la Guerra Civil se divide en tres etapas cronológicas. Durante la primera (julio-octubre de 1936) se estudia principalmente el papel del Comité Sanitario de las Milicias Antifascistas y la respuesta de la Consejería de Sanidad ante el "nuevo orden". La segunda etapa (octubre 1936- mayo 1937) termina con el fin de la hegemonía anarquista. La actuación del médico Félix Martí Ibáñez, Director General de Sanidad y Asistencia Social, y el papel del Consejo de Sanidad de Guerra llenan este capítulo. Durante la tercera etapa (mayo 1937-enero 1939) la Consejería se enfrenta a los problemas que plantean los bombardeos aéreos, los refugiados, la falta de alimentos y el empeoramiento de las condiciones higiénicas y sanitarias de la población. Finalmente, la progresiva militarización de la Sanidad se traduce en la creación y ampliación de una extensa red de Hospitales destinados a acoger a los combatientes heridos y enfermos. / In this work we study the sanitary politic and organization developed by the Catalunya Government during the period between the proclamation of the Second Republic in Abril 1931 and the end of the Civil War at the beginning of 1939.In the early stage of the Republican Régime, and after the first arrangements, the approval of the Autonomy Statute allowed the Catalan Government to start a reasonable legislative labour, which was often interrupt by the several political changes. To point up during this period the importance of the Councillor Josep Dencàs.The Civil War Period is divided in three chronological stages. During the first stage ( July- October 1936) the role of the Sanitary Committee of the Antifascist Militia and the answer of the Health Ministry towards the 'new order' was studied.The second stage ( October 1936- May 1937) finished with the end of the Anarchist hegemony. To remark the work of the doctor Felix Martí Ibañez, Sanitary and Welfare Managing Director, and the role of the Military Health CouncilDuring the third stage ( May 1937- January 1939) the Ministry faced the problems of the raids, refugees, shortage of food and the deterioration of health and hygienic people conditions. Finally, the progressive militaritation of the Public Health led to the creation of a wide system of hospitals to assist wounded and sick people.

A presente dissertação apresenta uma reflexão sobre a relação Cinema-História. O cinema encontrou dificuldades para ser aceito como fonte pelos historiadores, devido à caracterização e à qualificação desta fonte, bem como pelo seu despreparo para analisá-las. Este trabalho problematiza a relação cinema-história, suas possibilidades de interação e reflete sobre estas desde a perspectiva do trabalho do historiador e do seu fazer historiográfico. Parte-se da premissa de que o historiador não pode fechar os olhos para o cinema, seus desafios e os diferentes usos e abusos realizados com a história. Renunciar ao debate e à reflexão implica na perda da função social e política que o fazer historiográfico carrega e dele somos indissociável. Esta dissertação propõe a elaboração de um método de análise Históricocinematográfico, buscando sintetizar as reflexões de diferentes autores das áreas da História e do Cinema. Nossa análise toma como base três filmes que abordam o contexto da Guerra Civil Espanhola. O primeiro filme, ¡Ay, Carmela! (Carlos Saura, 1990), enfoca o conflito através dos dramas e desejos de três atores “mambembes” e sua luta pela sobrevivência. Esta película permite abordar as inter-relações entre arte e guerra e entre o humor presente na atuação dos personagens e nos seus números apresentados frente ao horror de uma guerra e seus traumas. Também são destacados no filme os brigadistas, a presença fascista italiana e o processo de internacionalização do conflito. O segundo filme, Terra e Liberdade (Ken Loach, 1995), aborda a participação e o papel das milícias e, principalmente, as divisões políticas que se formaram no interior do campo republicano (ou antifascista) durante a guerra. O filme permite uma discussão sobre o debate político no interior da esquerda e o contexto no qual é retratado. O terceiro filme, Libertárias (Vicente Aranda, 1996) aborda a atuação das milícias anarquistas no front da Guerra Civil através da história da freira Maria e sua trajetória com um grupo de combatentes anarquistas, retratadas sob um ponto-de-vista coletivo, sem que um personagem assuma um protagonismo principal. A conclusão apresenta elementos comparativos das três películas e reflete sobre a relação Cinema-História e suas implicações na contemporaneidade. / This thesis presents a reflection on the relation between Cinema and History. The cinema had difficulty being accepted by historians as a source because of the characterization and qualification of this source, as well as their unwillingness to consider them. This paper discusses the relation between cinema and history and its ability of interaction. It ponders on the subject from the perspective of the historian's work and its historiographical doings. The discussion starts with the premise that the historian can not shut his eyes to the cinema, its challenges and different uses and abuses committed against history. To renounce debate and reflection implies on the loss of the social and political function that the historiographical doing carries, and we are inseparable from it. This thesis proposes the development of a filmhistory method of analysis, seeking to synthesize the reflections of different authors in the areas of History and Cinema. Our analysis is based on three films that address the context of the Spanish Civil War. The first movie is, ¡Ay, Carmela! (Carlos Saura, 1990), which focuses on the conflict through the dramas and desires of three stage actors and their struggle for survival. This film allows us to study the interrelations between art and war and between the humor in the characters’ actions and their plays against the horror of war and its traumas. The brigade and the presence of Italian fascists during the process of internationalization of the conflict are also highlighted by the film. The second film, Land and Freedom (Ken Loach, 1995), addresses the role of the militias and especially the political divisions that emerged within the Republican camp (or fascist) during the war. The film allows a discussion on the political debate within the left and the context in which it is portrayed. The third film, Freedomfighters (Vicente Aranda, 1996) discusses the role of the anarchist militias in the Civil War front through the story of the nun Maria and her journey with a group of anarchist fighters, depicted from a collective point of view without any character on a leading role. The conclusion presents comparative elements of the three films and reflects on the Cinema- History relation and its implications for contemporary society.