La investigación ha abordado los contactos oficiales y extraoficiales entre España y la Unión Soviética durante el siglo XX, y, especialmente, se ha centrado en la proyección del modelo soviético desplegado por las Asociaciones de Amistad, tales como la Sección Española de los Amigos de la Unión Soviética y la Asociación España - URSS, como un medio de calibrar su impacto en España. Asimismo, se ha prestado atención a las asociaciones de amistad británicas para comparar el relativo éxito de estas asociaciones en los dos países. Las principales fuentes utilizadas han sido los fondos VOKS y SODD, procedentes de los archivos estatales rusos, documentos privados de las Asociaciones y testimonios, los cuales han sido cruciales para comprender estas asociaciones, los problemas que encararon así como sus éxitos y fracasos. Las Asociaciones de Amistad con la Unión Soviética fueron un medio de difundir ideales - el antifascismo y la coexistencia pacífica- defendidos por el gobierno Soviético. Así, estas asociaciones constituyeron un tipo de diplomacia popular. En términos generales, la gente que creía en un modelo diferente al capitalista se unió a estas asociaciones y proveyeron ejemplos de respecto en un mundo multicultural. Debido a ello, su mensaje no es obsoleto en el mundo de hoy. / The research deals with the official and unofficial contacts between Spain and the Soviet Union, focussing particularly on those perceptions of the latter disseminated through the various Friendship societies, such as the Spanish Friends of the Soviet Union and the Spain - USSR Society. As a way of assessing their impact in Spain, a chapter is dedicated to the British Friendship societies, which will compare the relative successes of these societies in the two countries. The main sources utilized have been the VOKS and SSOD files from the Russian Federation archives, private documents of the societies and testimonies, which have been crucial to understanding these associations, the problems they faced, as well as their successes and failures.The friendship societies with the Soviet Union were a way of spreading ideals -antifascism and peaceful coexistence - championed by the Soviet government. As such, these societies were a type of popular diplomacy. Broadly speaking, people who believed in a different model than capitalism joined these associations and they provided examples of respect in a multicultural world. Because of that, their message is not obsolete in today's world.

La presente Tesis doctoral se divide en tres bloques bien diferenciados: en el primero se trazan las líneas maestras de la realidad social, económica y política imperante en la provincia de Santa Cruz de Tenerife durante la primera mitad del siglo XX. En el segundo, se aborda el desarrollo de las instituciones políticas (municipales, insulares, provinciales y nacionales) a lo largo del periodo tomando como hilo conductor la supervivencia del clientelismo y el caciquismo sobre el que se asienta el sistema. En el tercero, se estudian todas las manifestaciones de oposición surgidas contra un régimen que margina y oprime a gran parte de la población, tanto en el campo como en la ciudad, aglutinando a todas las orientaciones políticas catalogadas bajo el, tan amplio como confuso, concepto de "izquierdas". Dentro de él tiene una relevancia especial el análisis y caracterización de la resistencia y represión surgida tras la sublevación militar del 18 de julio de 1936. / Title of Thesis: THE PROVINCE OF SANTA CRUZ DE TENERIFE BETWEEN TWO DICTATORSHIPS (1923-1945). HUNGER AND ORDER. The doctoral thesis is divided into three blocks. In the first are traced the main points of the social, economic and political conditions in the province of Santa Cruz de Tenerife in the first half of the twentieth century. In the second section, is raised the development of political institutions (municipal, insular, provincial and national) during the examined period, taking as a common theme the survival of patronage system and chieftainship. In the third section, I study the opposition emerged against a regime that marginalizes the great majority of the population, both in the country and in the city, uniting all the political directions laid under the concept of the left-wing. The analysis of the repression emerged after the military uprising of July the 18th, 1936, has special relevance. The traditionally dominant class in the province (large landowners and merchants, enriched with the export of bananas) through its network of clientele, dominated all political structures in the province, since the dictatorship of Primo de Rivera. They kept political control during the Second Republic, holding back social reforms in areas where power was lost, and got involved in the coup of July the 18th, 1936, being restored back into the institutions that govern public life.

Depuis plus d’une dizaine d’année, l’on assiste à une résurgence de la mémoire historique en Espagne. Qu’il s’agisse des contemporains ou de leurs héritiers, la mémoire des vaincus de la Guerre Civile, autrefois passée sous silence, est devenue incontournable aussi bien sur le plan historiographique que culturel et même politique (loi dite de « mémoire historique »). Les nombreux succès éditoriaux et cinématographiques relatifs à cette période douloureuse ont contribué à la diffusion d’épisodes méconnus et à la réappropriation d’un passé qui n’avait pas toujours été transmis aux générations successives. Toutefois, l’activisme des uns ne fait pas l’unanimité. Entre ceux qui ne souhaitent pas rouvrir les blessures du passé au nom d’une concorde nationale difficilement obtenue, et ceux qui se sentent mis en accusation par un « triomphe des vaincus » qui tend à ne présenter le conflit civil que sous l’angle de la lutte des « bons » contre les « méchants », l’on a pu observer une crispation partisane des débats au détriment de la science historique. La question mémorielle a atteint de telles proportions que certains commentateurs se sont demandés si la Guerre Civile était ou non terminée. Quoique l’évolution de l’historiographie soit indéniable depuis 1931, elle ne saurait s’expliquer entièrement par la lutte partisane des héritiers des deux camps. En effet, il nous faut nous intéresser également à des causes plus profondes qui en sont à l’origine. Si le cas espagnol s’inscrit dans un contexte européen d’irruption de la mémoire dans l’histoire, il s’explique aussi par des raisons propres qui touchent bien d’autres domaines. / Over the past decade, the question of Spanish historical memory has been debated a lot. Whereas the memory of the Spanish Civil War’s defeated had been kept silenced for years, nowadays, the story of direct witnesses – often told by themselves or their heirs – has become inevitable from a historical, cultural and political point of view (see the “historical memory” Act). Many best-selling books and box-office hit films dealing with this painful historical period have contributed to generalise some neglected events which had not always been properly transmitted to the younger generations. However, the memorial activism of various individuals is not unanimously accepted. Indeed, some people consider that such a revival of a painful past might pose a threat to a national harmony which was not easy to obtain. Others, belonging to the national fraction, feel directly accused by the late “triumph” of yesterday’s defeated. The frequent parallel drawn between the Civil War and a would-be fight of the “goods” against the “evils”, has fuelled a partisan debate at the expense of historical truth. The debate on historical memory has become so serious that some analysts do wonder if the Civil War is over or not. The evolution of historiography since 1931 is real, but it should not be explained exclusively by the biased opposition of the heirs of both camps. In fact, we have to take into account deeper reasons at the roots of the problem. The Spanish case cannot be dissociated from a European context, even if it has to be explained by its own particular reasons which affect many other knowledge domains.

Submitted by Fabiano Vassallo (fabianovassallo2127@gmail.com) on 2017-05-09T20:32:23Z No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) TESE PDF - MICHELE ARRUDA.pdf: 2140524 bytes, checksum: ac82aeae9af2f1e6948903ef4d49a300 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Josimara Dias Brumatti (bcgdigital@ndc.uff.br) on 2017-05-19T17:52:25Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) TESE PDF - MICHELE ARRUDA.pdf: 2140524 bytes, checksum: ac82aeae9af2f1e6948903ef4d49a300 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-05-19T17:52:25Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) TESE PDF - MICHELE ARRUDA.pdf: 2140524 bytes, checksum: ac82aeae9af2f1e6948903ef4d49a300 (MD5) / Fundação de Apoio à Escola Técnica, FAETEC, Armação dos Búzios, RJ / A Guerra Civil, que devastou a Espanha entre os anos de 1936 e 1939, e a posterior implantação do regime autoritário que dominou o país por quase quatro décadas, figuram entre os eventos mais catastróficos do século XX e que mais representações ganharam no âmbito das artes. Muitas dessas expressões artísticas foram produzidas no calor da guerra ou nos imediatos anos que a sucederam, mas, ao longo das oito décadas que nos separam do início do conflito, foram e continuam sendo produzidas cada vez mais obras que retratam os embates ideológicos entre las dos Españas. Da ampla gama de textos que versam sobre o conflito, destacamos duas narrativas produzidas em momentos específicos da vida cultural hispânica: Réquiem por un campesino español (1952), de Ramón J. Sender, publicada no México, durante o exílio de seu autor, e Cinco horas con Mario (1966), de Miguel Delibes, publicada na Espanha, em plena vigência da ditadura franquista. Essas narrativas, elaboradas em função dos mesmos motivos, mas em conjunturas distintas, respondem a demandas próprias de cada circunstância, portanto, os conteúdos e as formas que se criam para representá-los dialogam com as (im)possibilidades de representar os horrores de uma batalha fratricida. Nesta tese, queremos estabelecer a relação de cada uma das obras com a representação da Guerra Civil Espanhola, destacando os aspectos formais e a arquitetura textual das narrativas para estabelecer a tensão entre os dois momentos na literatura espanhola de pós-guerra: a produção literária da Espanha peregrina e a da era franquista, a fim de indicar as relações entre história, memória e literatura através da expressão narrativa dos dois segmentos em causa / The Spanish Civil War, which devastated Spain from 1936 to 1949, along with the subsequent establishment of a totalitarian regime that ruled the country for almost four decades, are both high on the list of the most catastrophic events of the 20th century, being widely portrayed by the world of the arts. Many of these works of art were created during the war; others were produced during the immediate post-war period. Nevertheless, during the eight decades that went by since these events took place, the production of such artistic pieces has significantly increased, especially the ones which depict the ideological conflict between “the two Spains” (las dos Espanãs). Among the wide variety of texts that deal with this conflict, two novels, each written in different and specific moments of the Hispanic cultural life, should be pointed out: Réquiem por un campesino español (1952), by Ramón J. Sender, published in Mexico during Sender’s exile, and Cinco horas con Mario (1966), by Miguel Delibes, published in Spain under General Franco’s dictatorship. These two novels, inspired by the same reasons but produced under different circumstances, meet the demands of the particular situations regarding their authors; therefore, both form and content in these novels are meant to cope with the “(im)possibility” of conveying the horrors of a fratricidal war. In this thesis, we wish to establish how each of these novels manages to portray the Spanish Civil War, highlighting the specific characteristics of both form and content in each text, so as to reveal the tension between these two kinds of literary productions of the post-war period: the works of the so-called España peregrina (“Pilgrim Spain”), and those produced under the Franco regime. In this way, we wish to bring to light the way in which history, memory, and literature are integrated through these different types of narrative expression

Notre travail s'inscrit dans une perspective d'histoire de la littérature et cherche à conduire une réflexion globale sur la nature, la signification et la portée de l’utilisation de l’apocryphe chez l'écrivain espagnol Max Aub (Paris, 1903, Mexico, 1972). Le procédé sous-tend l'ambitieux projet de "El Laberinto Mágico" _Le Labyrinthe Magique ̶, qui regroupe les œuvres consacrées à la guerre civile espagnole. Max Aub rompt avec une première pratique expérimentale de la littérature pour se focaliser désormais sur le jeu d’un personnage résolument plongé dans l’Histoire, et la création du personnage apocryphe prend chez l'auteur une valeur de témoignage existentiel, qui dépasse la dimension ludique du mélange entre fiction et réalité. Dans un siècle caractérisé par les guerres et la violence, chez un auteur profondément marqué par la guerre civile espagnole et la douloureuse expérience du déracinement, le personnage apocryphe renvoie aussi à la question identitaire, autant qu’à l’expérience de l’altérité et à l’exploration d’autres possibles itinéraires existentiels. Cette exploration des limites du genre narratif contribue à la résolution de la « crise du roman » des années vingt, s'inscrit dans une double perspective européenne et nationale, et s'ancre dans l'Histoire au point de donner de celle-ci une vision nouvelle. / This doctoral thesis has benn aproached in a perspective of history of literature, and aims to consider a global thought about the nature, the meaning and the impact of the use of the apocryphal for the Spanish writer Max Aub (Paris, 1903, Mexico City, 1972). The process underpins the ambitious project of "El Laberinto Mágico" ̶The Magic Labyrinth ̶, which groups together the works dedicated to the Spanish Civil War. Max Aub breaks with a first experimental practice of literature to focus from this point onward on the game of a character firmly immersed in History. The creation of the apocryphal character takes for the author a value of existential testimony, which goes beyond the playful dimension of the fiction and reality mix. In a century characterized by wars and violence, in an author deeply marked by the Spanish Civil War and the painful uprooting experience, the apocryphal character also goes back to the question of identity, as well as the otherness experience , and the exploration of the other possible existential paths. This exploration of the limits of the narrative genre contributes to the resolution of the "crisis of the novel" in the twenties, it is also part of a double perspective, national and European, and is anchored in History, to the point where it gives of it a new vision.

Spanish composer María Teresa Prieto (1895-1982) belongs to a group of Spanish exiles who left their country for Mexico as a result of the Spanish Civil War. She arrived in Mexico in 1936 and developed her compositional career in there. Her first composition after her arrival in the new country was the song cycle Seis Melodías, a work that includes six songs with poetry by Ricardo de Alcázar, Juan Ramón Jiménez, Federico García Lorca, and María Teresa Prieto herself. This document analyzes each one of the songs, both musically and poetically, as well as the relationship between music and text. Seis Melodías' structural organization as a cycle is very particular, since Prieto organized the cycle in pairs—namely I and II, III and IV, and V and VI—each group with strong poetic and thematic unity. The songs belonging to this cycle, present the duality of being independent and dependent at the same time, given that each song stands by itself, but together they create a meta-narrative that progresses from hope to desolation, not as a political statement, but as a homage to, as well as a lament, for the Spanish land and freedom. The cyclical nature of this work is accomplished by Prieto through motivic unity, a clear harmonic plan, and poetic relationships between the songs.

This dissertation investigates the literary and cinematic use of the child’s perspective to present the Mexican Revolution and the Spanish Civil War and their aftermath in several Mexican, Spanish, and international (Mexican-Spanish collaborative) narratives of the 20th and early 21st Centuries written by adult authors and filmmakers, and targeted for adult audiences. The Mexican narratives are Cartucho and Las manos de mamá by Nellie Campobello, Balún Canán by Rosario Castellanos, and Bandidos, a film by Luis Estrada; selected Spanish works are El espíritu de la colmena by Víctor Erice, Cría cuervos by Carlos Saura, and El sur by Adelaida García Morales; and both international works are films by Guillermo del Toro, El espinazo del diablo and El laberinto del fauno. I attempt to determine the textual or cinematic function of the child as first person (homodiegetic) narrative viewer in these works, and I study the different ways in which this child’s point of view is constructed in order to depict the overwhelming tragedy of war. I note patterns and diversities in subject matter presented by the narrative voice, and observe the characteristics of the child narrative viewer’s world and priorities (as presented by the authors and filmmakers), paying careful attention to how each perceives and understands his or her country’s violent upheaval and its aftermath. The theoretical framework of this investigation draws mainly from trauma theory, Gothic studies, and the tradition of the fairy tale. I illustrate how within the war narrative in addition to the author’s/filmmaker’s desire to recreate the sentiment that a child would evoke in adult readers and viewers, the child narrative viewer is employed for three main reasons: to play upon or against preexisting notions of the child’s innocence; to represent (possibly subversively) the nation; and as therapeutic means of returning to a paradise lost or creating a paradise never experienced. / text

Diese Arbeit befasst sich mit den Fällen von Repression, die während des Spanischen Bürgerkriegs 1936-1939 und der franquistischen Diktatur stattfanden und die seit den 2000er Jahren vor Gericht gebracht wurden. Im ersten Teil der Arbeit werden diese Fälle unter spanisches Strafrecht subsumiert. Im zweiten Teil der Arbeit wird untersucht, ob das vom spanischen Parlament im Oktober 1977 verabschiedete Amnestiegesetz mit den internationalen Menschenrechtsnormen vereinbar ist. Schließlich werden im dritten Teil der Arbeit die Fälle aus der Zeit des Spanischen Bürgerkriegs 1936-1939 nach internationalem Strafrecht und humanitärem Recht analysiert. / This work deals with the cases of repression that occurred during the 1936-1939 Spanish Civil War and the Francoist dictatorship and that have been brought to court since the 2000s. A first part of the work has subsumed these cases under Spanish domestic criminal law. A second part of the work examines the compliance of the amnesty law enacted by the Spanish Parliament in October 1977 with International Human Rights Law. Finally, a third part of the work analyses the cases occurred during the 1936-1939 Spanish Civil War under international criminal and humanitarian law.

Cette thèse analyse les films de guerre de fiction produits dans l’Italie fasciste de 1935 à 1943, de la Guerre d’Ethiopie à la fin de la Seconde Guerre mondiale. Elle démontre que le genre de guerre fonctionne comme un laboratoire pour l’entreprise de révolution anthropologique de l’Italie, inhérente à l’expérience totalitaire fasciste. Ce modèle cinématographique et social est en effet célébré comme devant s’étendre à l’ensemble du monde cinématographique italien, et ses caractéristiques à l’écran sont censées fournir l’image d’une société fasciste idéale.Après avoir analysé la mise en place du film de guerre italien dans ses discours, ses institutions et ses circulations internationales, ce travail examine les réponses de la production cinématographique. Il se clôt sur la perception du genre de guerre, ses spectateurs, sa réception et sa publicité. Il montre que les films de guerre de la période forment un lieu où coexistent de nombreux objectifs servant des groupes variés. Reposant en grande partie sur des archives d’Etat et de cinéastes, ce travail se concentre sur des études de cas de producteurs (Scalera, Bassoli Film), de réalisateurs (Goffredo Alessandrini, Mario Camerini, Francesco De Robertis, Augusto Genina, Romolo Marcellini, Roberto Rossellini), de scénaristes (Asvero Gravelli, Gian Gaspare Napolitano) et de réception de films particuliers. Cette étude des réponses multiples aux demandes d’un système totalitaire en formation dans le champ cinématographique entend contribuer au débat historiographique sur l’adhésion populaire au fascisme, en en élargissant les paramètres. En outre, bien que le genre joue un rôle central dans le développement de l’industrie cinématographique nationale, ce travail démontre cependant la nécessité d’interpréter ces films en termes transnationaux et non comme simples produits politiques et nationaux. / This thesis analyses the fictional war films produced in Fascist Italy from 1935 to 1943, from the Ethiopian war to the end of WWII. It argues that this genre functioned as a laboratory for the anthropological renewal of Italy in the Fascist totalitarian experiment. Fascist critics celebrated it as a cinematic and social model that had to be applied to the whole Italian film world, and whose on-screen features were to become the mirror image of an ideal Fascist society. After tracing the foundations of the Italian war film genre (critical debates, international circulation), the thesis interrogates the positioning of film professionals in relation to Fascist cultural policies. Lastly, it redefines the genre in terms of its interactions with Italian viewers and through advertisement. This thesis shows that war films of the period constitute a contested site serving multiple purposes for multiple groups. Relying primarily on archival material from Italy’s state archives and filmmakers’ private papers, this work presents several case studies of producers (Scalera, Bassoli Film), directors (Goffredo Alessandrini, Mario Camerini, Francesco De Robertis Augusto Genina, Romolo Marcellini, Roberto Rossellini), screenwriters (Asvero Gravelli, Gian Gaspare Napolitano) and reception of specific films. A study of the multiple responses to the demands of an aspiring totalitarian system, both from the point of view of film consumption and filmmaking, contributes to the historiographical debate on Fascism by broadening the parameters of the longstanding debate on popular consent for the regime. In addition, this work demonstrates the need to interpret these films in a transnational perspective and not as mere political and national products.