Philosophiae Doctor - PhD / Nigerian post-independence history (1960 to the present date) is steeped in socio-political upheavals. The majority of the citizens are frustrated with the injustice, inequality and fraudulent politics that pervade the country. The central argument of this thesis is that these conditions are critiqued through the photographic practices produced on Facebook. Through the circulation of photographs and the conversations around them on the social media platform, Nigerians demand social change. The sociality that underpins the visuality of social networking is explained by Ariella Azoulay's notion of "civil discourse," which theoretically organises the thrust of this thesis. The formulation suggests that the photograph is an outcome of the interaction among many individuals. It is a site of exchange, a process which I have argued to be reinforced by digital and internet technology. For five years, I have followed the visual social production on Facebook in the context of virtual participant observation, downloading photographs and the comments that go with them. A number of the photographs and the accompanying comments are analysed with semiotic tools to understand the key concerns of Nigerians. To explain how the agitation is presented, and the efforts invested in the production, I have reflected on the related questions of technological mediations and appropriations. A network of digital infrastructure conditions the creation and editing of the photographs and their dissemination and meaning-making processes on Facebook. Again, the Nigerian example demonstrates how state failure fuels activism, insurgency and counter-insurgency, all of which are actuated by digital photographic production. In this situation, the photographic image is burdened with the task to produce violence and to counter it. What ultimately emerges are complex relations among people, photography and technology. I conclude that the virtual movement presents possibilities for socio-political transformation in Nigeria. From the perspective of photography, this thesis contributes to the debates in social media activism and how it is shaping politics in Africa. It demonstrates the possibility of reading the tensions in an African postcolony through the connected digital, visual and social practices of the ordinary people. We are prompted to acknowledge the influence of digital infrastructure in the political use of the image.

ABSTRACT This dissertation examines the enduring leadership of community activists Dorothy Bolden, Ella Mae Wade Brayboy, and Pearlie Dove from 1964 until 2015. Brayboy was one of the first African-American Deputy Voter Registrars in the state of Georgia, Bolden founded the National Domestic Workers Union and Dove was the first woman to head the department of education at Clark College. This dissertation inserts Dorothy Bolden, Ella Mae Wade Brayboy, and Pearlie Dove into the classic Civil Rights Movement narrative by framing their community advocacy as equal to the efforts of Atlanta’s more well-known African-American leaders. This dissertation presents Bolden, Brayboy, and Dove as career-oriented professional women who were also politically savvy community activists. These three women acquired a power base that allowed them to found organizations, create programming, and develop projects dedicated to empowering Atlanta’s black community. These women achieved a level of influence typically associated with the wealthy or the political prominent. Because the three women were grassroots organizers, this study contends that the implications of their activism have been obscured because of gender, race, and class. This study seeks to foreground Bolden, Brayboy, and Dove’s efforts in Atlanta’s Movement narrative. In this dissertation, assessments of Bolden, Brayboy, and Dove’s professional contributions as acts of protest on behalf of the black community are used to undergird a critical intervention; first, their work refutes previous ideology centering the efficacy of Movement leadership (as a social movement) as grounded in mass mobilization. Secondly, their leadership was oppositional to the standard portraiture of Movement leadership as male, ministerial, and middle-class. Finally, the women’s professional and activist emphases on economic uplift, education, and enfranchisement illustrate evidence of how sustained acts of protest, led by local leadership, impacted the community. Because there is considerably less literature focused on the historical significance of black women acquiring political power outside of elected office, this study seeks to establish the women as politically significant local leadership.

Cette thèse vise à apporter une nouvelle compréhension du militantisme anticonsumériste. La littérature sur les mouvements sociaux conceptualise les actions militantes soit comme des actions politiques soit comme une défense de certaines valeurs culturelles. Dans cette étude, nous nous appuyons sur la théorie des conventions pour mettre en lumière les règles sous-jacentes au militantismeanticonsumériste. En nous basant sur des données ethnographiques et des entretiensphénoménologiques, nous expliquons, tout d’abord, les actions militantesanticonsuméristes à travers les conventions du modèle des cités. Puis, nous nousinterrogeons sur la capacité des militants anticonsuméristes à critiquer les conventions déjà établies. Enfin, cette capacité critique nous permet d’analyser les règles d’une nouvelle convention coordonnant les actions militantes anticonsuméristes. Cette convention militante a des implications managériales, notamment en dotant les marketeurs de connaissances sur les actions anticonsuméristes. / This thesis aims to bring a new understanding of anticonsumption activism. Theliterature on social movements conceptualizes activism as political or cultural actions. In this study, we rely on the convention theory to highlight the underlying rules of anticonsumption activism. Based on ethnographical data and phenomenological interviews, we explain, first, anticonsumption activism through the orders model. Then, we question the competence of activists to criticize the conventions of the orders model. Finally, this critical competence allows us to analyze the rules of a new convention coordinating anticonsumption activism. This activist convention has implication for managers, by giving them knowledge on anticonsumption activism.

This thesis examines the historical pattern of protest activity involving students from the University of Manchester and the London School of Economics between the academic years 1945/46 and 2010/11. Gathered through a protest event analysis of the universities’ student press, quantitative protest event data is presented that establishes a continuous pattern of protest activity at both institutions from the mid-fifties onwards. Adding to a small body of scholarship on student activism beyond the sixties epoch, the thesis challenges the assumption that student protest peaked in the late sixties, which currently dominates the student protest literature. The decade’s wave of student unrest is widely presented as exceptional and unprecedented, a golden age of student protest, casting non-sixties student generations as politically apathetic. The quantitative data refutes these claims, demonstrating an ongoing history of student protest on both campuses that sets precedent for the sixties mobilisations and undermines the idea that student apathy is pervasive on the post-sixties university campus. Between 1945/46 and 2010/11, University of Manchester students are involved in 840 protest events, while London School of Economics students participate in 505 protest events, a combined total of 1345 protest events. Using qualitative data drawn from the student press and other archival materials alongside the numeric data, the thesis argues that the British student unrest in the sixties had precedent in the fifties and early sixties, noting tactical and ideological similarities. Further, the thesis refutes the student apathy narrative using protest activity as evidence of student political participation, but also pointing to student engagement in formal and informal political activity, such as political party membership, voluntary action and campaigning for NGOs and pressure groups. Echoing studies on youth political participation, the thesis finds that students remain politically engaged across the twentieth and twenty-first century. Drawing together social movement theory with insights from the archival materials and student press, the thesis identifies factors contributing to the emergence, decline and survival of student protest activity at the University of Manchester and London School of Economics. The thesis establishes that progressive political and social values, student produced movement frames, access to resources on campus, political opportunities and campus activist networks interact to facilitate the emergence of student unrest. It also demonstrates that political factionalism and some forms of authority responses to unrest are key factors in declines in student protest activity. The thesis argues that attempts at co-option and repression by the state and the university, normally understood to prompt declines in protest, may actually provoke further activity amongst students. Applying Nella Van Dyke’s theory of ‘hotbeds of activism’ to the British context (1998), the thesis argues protest activity survives across the timeframe, because both universities have developed student activist networks and subcultures that maintain the traditions and practices of activism on campus. Activist expertise is transferred between student generations through the student unions, student societies and informal groupings, ensuring that that the campus activist networks are primed to seize opportunities for protest activity on and off campus.

The relevance of places to people has been questioned in recent times, as the world has become increasingly globalised and people more mobile. The aim of this research was to explore the relationship between sense of place and people’s behaviour in ‘ordinary’, everyday places. This contrasts with much prior research, which has focused on ‘special’ places, such as national parks and impressive landscapes in order to investigate the components of sense of place. Most people do not live in such places, but inhabit ordinary places in (sub) urban contexts. The research questions were: How does sense of place manifest in an ordinary, everyday landscape? In what ways can social learning impact upon the dynamics of sense of place? Can a more salient sense of place affect people’s attitudes towards and behaviour within their local area? Using an action research approach, pre- and post-interviews and three workshops to create a sustainable future vision at a neighbourhood level of scale, and the town as a whole, were held with fourteen residents of East Bolton, in the North West of England. The activities were designed to facilitate interaction between the participants, so that meanings attributed to places could be shared and discussed. This approach allowed participants to see familiar places in new ways and to share perspectives. The key themes that emerged from this research were: the importance of childhood places; the impact of mobility – both physical and social mobility; the interdependence of places at various scales; and also self-efficacy and people’s ability to influence their surroundings. A key finding was that sense of place can be made more salient for people in ‘ordinary’ landscapes, particularly if people are given direct experience of their places and opportunities to share and reflect on their perceptions relating to place. Social learning, however, takes time and requires resources to create opportunities to influence the salience of sense of place. The findings point to the value of promoting social learning through engagement activities. Planners, regeneration project officers and citizen groups could utilise sense of place as an organising principle to explore place meanings and as a catalyst for stimulating local action. Participants found it more difficult to discuss sense of place at the neighbourhood level of scale than the town level of scale, partly owing to their differing conception of boundaries and lack of awareness of the neighbourhood beyond the home. This has implications for implementing the localism agenda, suggesting that local action and visioning needs to be situated within activities nested at a range of scales in order to be most effective. The drive towards localism may lead to more self-organising and activism emerging from outside of the formal planning system and becoming a force for collective place shaping. Thus, the benefits of developing a more salient sense of place may also have impacts in less formal ways, such as greater interest and involvement in neighbourhood affairs and increased capacity-building, from which community action could potentially emerge.

Submitted by Renata Lopes (renatasil82@gmail.com) on 2015-12-09T10:13:59Z No. of bitstreams: 1 kellycristinaferreiraalvim.pdf: 816322 bytes, checksum: 2bde83989f0422bfcc37d31e6e4e9214 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Adriana Oliveira (adriana.oliveira@ufjf.edu.br) on 2015-12-09T13:47:50Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 kellycristinaferreiraalvim.pdf: 816322 bytes, checksum: 2bde83989f0422bfcc37d31e6e4e9214 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2015-12-09T13:47:50Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 kellycristinaferreiraalvim.pdf: 816322 bytes, checksum: 2bde83989f0422bfcc37d31e6e4e9214 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-02-24 / Este trabalho apresenta o resultado da pesquisa sobre a biografia e a base dos ensinamentos do monge vietnamita Thich Nath Hanh da tradição budista Zen, descrevendo sua trajetória desde sua formação como monge e sua luta política ativista pela paz durante a Guerra do Vietnã. Em sua extensa obra Thich Nath Hanh oferece subsídios para a implementação ou vivência da consciência plena, como contribuição ao movimento do budismo engajado e o diálogo interreligioso contemporâneo. A principal busca deste trabalho é descrever e analisar as possíveis contribuições de Thich Nath Hanh ao momento histórico em que vivemos e a aplicação de suas práticas ativistas para a melhora da relação entre os seres humanos e o planeta numa visão ecológica e de diálogo inter-religioso. Nesta busca apresenta-se sua aproximação de outros buscadores do Diálogo Inter-religioso, principalmente àqueles da tradição cristã, como Thomas Merton e Daniel Berrigan, em livros onde ele explora a temática da aproximação entre os ensinamentos de Buda e Cristo. Finalizando, destaca-se a situação contemporânea do Diálogo e a aplicabilidade das propostas deste autor e sua Ordem Interser como subsídio para a vivência pacífica entre as mais diversas tradições e culturas religiosas na atualidade. / This paper presents the results of research on the biography and the basis of the teachings of Thich Nath Hanh Vietnamese monk of Zen Buddhist tradition, describing its history since its formation as a monk and his political activist struggle for peace during the Vietnam War. In his extensive work Thich Nath Hanh provides grants for the implementation or experience of mindfulness as a contribution to the movement of engaged Buddhism and contemporary inter-religious dialogue. The main pursuit of this study is to describe and analyze the possible contributions of Thich Nath Hanh to the historical moment in which we live and the application of its activists practices for the improvement of the relationship between humans and the planet in a green vision and inter-religious dialogue . In this search presents its approach to other seekers of Interreligious Dialogue, particularly those of the Christian tradition, as Thomas Merton and Daniel Berrigan, in books where he explores the theme of rapprochement between the teachings of Buddha and Christ. Finally, there is the contemporary situation of the dialogue and the applicability of the proposals of this author and his Interbeing Order as support for the peaceful existence among the different religious traditions and cultures today.

Submitted by Nadir Basilio (nadirsb@uninove.br) on 2016-05-09T17:58:52Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Arthur Bezerra De Souza Junior.pdf: 1374491 bytes, checksum: b20a5dd5e31c1fc5018aaadf9a6ba8c5 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-05-09T17:58:52Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Arthur Bezerra De Souza Junior.pdf: 1374491 bytes, checksum: b20a5dd5e31c1fc5018aaadf9a6ba8c5 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-11-11 / The 1988 Federal Constitution contemplates a large list of fundamental rights and guarantees, being named “Citizen Constitution “. Social rights have its own chapter and the right to health constitutes a right of all and a duty of the state and society. When dealing with the right to health within the constitutional framework, enables the constitutional text that any violation or restriction of this right is enjoyed by the judiciary. This is the legalization of politics. Accordingly, we analyze the role played by the judiciary ones, mostly, the Supreme Court in the realization of the right to health , in light of their recent decisions requiring the Government to the formulation and implementation of public policies in health care . This is the phenomenon called judicial activism. In this context , we examine accurately the extent to which the judiciary , especially the Supreme Court is entitled to enter the merits of the public policy of the State to give greater effectiveness to the right to health . Similarly examines whether this new stance adopted by the Supreme Court does not violate the separation of powers constitutionally guaranteed. / A Constituição Federal de 1988, contempla um amplo rol de direitos e garantias fundamentais, sendo denominada de “Constituição Cidadã”. Os direitos sociais possuem um capítulo próprio e o direito à saúde, constitui-se um direito de todos e um dever do Estado e da sociedade. Ao tratar do direito à saúde no âmbito constitucional, possibilita o Texto Constitucional que eventual violação ou restrição a esse direito seja apreciada pelo Poder Judiciário. Trata-se da judicialização da política. Nesse sentido, analisa-se o papel desempenhado pelo Poder Judiciário, precipuamente, do Supremo Tribunal Federal na efetivação do direito à saúde, tendo em vista suas recentes decisões que exigem do Poder Público a formulação e concretização de políticas públicas na área da saúde. Trata-se do fenômeno denominado de ativismo judicial. Nesse contexto, examina-se com acuidade em que medida o Poder Judiciário, especialmente, o Supremo Tribunal Federal tem legitimidade para adentrar no mérito das políticas públicas do Estado para dar maior efetividade ao direito à saúde. De igual modo, analisa-se se essa nova postura adotada pelo Supremo Tribunal Federal não violaria a separação dos poderes constitucionalmente assegurada.

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This paper investigates the development of transnational human rights activists’ networks and how they operate and influence LGBTI human rights activist networks in Uganda against violence on the Ugandan LGBTI communities. The case study, employs semi structured interviews to investigate, how transnational networks are used as a mobilization too in promoting LGBTI human rights in Uganda. Further investigation is done on how transnational networks influence different social networks within local LGBTI activist groups when dealing with violence against the LGBTI communities. The study is taken from a view point of different local LGBTI activist groups and their close link with other international organizations and human rights bodies specifically from countries such as Sweden. Theories surrounding transnational networks and social networks are used in order to frame both cross border relations and local networks among the LGBTI groups. The study also calls for further research on other actors such as transnational migrants and individual activist including social media activist and their impact on the rights of LGBTI in Uganda.

Activists contesting urban neoliberalism are traveling to participate in struggles beyond their place of residence. They are sharing, teaching and advising activists from other struggles. They are also promoters of specific imaginaries and strategies of contestation. I refer to this phenomenon as translocal urban activism, a type of brokerage that aims to draw global connections among local political movements and a global activist network. By the analysis of the translocal practices against gentrification of the Spanish art collective Left Hand Rotation in Latin America, I direct the discussion to identify the mechanisms whereby translocal urban activism shapes the geography of urban movements against gentrification, and to examine how translocal urban activism contributes to the reproduction of and resistance against neoliberal ideas, values, and practices. I argue that power geometries within translocal urban activists, tend to nurture the global activist network with dominant imaginaries and practices, eclipsing other alternatives.