This paper aims to shed light on the intersex infant, a baby born with an unclear gender. The main goal of the paper is to discuss whether unnecessary gender normalizing surgeries on infants, also called intersex genital mutilation (IGM) that is not necessary to preserve the life or physical health of the infant is in the best interest of the child. Legal method will be used to frame the topic in a legal context and discourse analysis in combination with content analysis will be applied in order to understand the transformation of intersex, from being a social emergency to becoming a human rights issue. The use of the concept, the best interest of the child will serve as an analytical framework together with a theoretical framework consisting of queer theory. Together it will help to map out the human rights challenges regarding IGM as a socially constructed medical product that needs to be highlighted and prevented in order to secure the rights of the child. Hopefully, the concluding results will contribute to further awareness on the issue of unnecessary infant intersex surgery and frame it in a human rights context.

Abuses and sexual misconduct have been present in the aid sector for decades. In 2013, a UN investigation declared sexual exploitation and abuse the most significant risk to UN peacekeeping missions. Nevertheless, the culture of impunity and hypocrisy still prevails in the aid sector. A recent report supports that one in three UN workers has been sexually harassed over the last two years. In the momentum of the #MeToo movement and of timely disclosures of various cases of sexual abuses and harassment in the international aid sector, people soon started to use the hashtag #AidToo on social media to highlight the prevalence of sexual harassment and misconduct within the industry. This study examines the major trends and the findings of an analysis conducted on the use of the hashtag #AidToo on Twitter over a ten-month period. As of the creation of the hashtag at the end of November 2017 and until the end of September 2018, over 13,000 tweets have used #AidToo in their content. Aid workers, journalists, NGOs, as well as news media compose the primary contributors of #AidToo tweets. Although limited to the political sphere and of limited reach, the movement has been sustainable and constant over its first year. Survivors and whistleblowers are the first to acknowledge that #AidToo has created a new safe space for discussion and has incited additional victims to speak up and share their experience. Aid organisations are now under constant scrunity, along with their values, integrity, and funding. However, the online campaign has mainly been a Northern conversation, and one can wonder if the use of the hashtag on Twitter failed to include the Global South and to give a voice to the actual victims of sexual exploitation and abuse. The #AidToo campaign represents a real and welcomed opportunity as a wake-up call for the aid sector, although it is too soon to observe the long-lasting impacts.

abstract: This dissertation examines pro-immigrants' rights activism and advocacy among middle-class White women in and around Phoenix, Arizona, in order to analyze these activists' understandings and enactments of their racialized and gendered citizenship. This project contributes a wealth of qualitative data regarding the operation of race, gender, class, (dis)ability, sexuality, and community in the daily lives and activism of White women pro-immigrants' rights advocates, collected largely through formal and informal interviewing in conjunction with in-depth participant observation. Using a feminist, intersectional analytical lens, and drawing upon critical race studies, Whiteness studies, and citizenship theory, this dissertation ultimately finds that White women face thornily difficult ethical questions about how to wield the rights entailed in their citizenship and their White privilege on behalf of marginalized Latinx non-citizens. This project ultimately argues that the material realities and racial consequences of being a White woman participating in (im)migrants’ rights work in the borderlands means living with the contradiction that one’s specific and intersectionally mediated status as a White woman citizen contributes to and further reifies the gendered system of White supremacy that functions to the direct detriment of the (im)migrants one seeks to assist, while simultaneously endowing one with the advantages and privileges of Whiteness, which together furnish the social capital necessary to challenge that same system of their behalf. The dissertation contends that White women committed to pro-(im)migrants’ rights advocacy and antiracism writ large must reckon with the source of their gendered and racialized citizenship and interrogate to what complicated and unforeseen ends they wield the Master’s tools against the Master’s house. In doing so, the project makes the case that White women's lives, as well as their experiences of citizenship and activism, are inherently and fundamentally intersectional and should be analyzed as such by scholars in Women's and Gender Studies. / Dissertation/Thesis / Doctoral Dissertation Women and Gender Studies 2020

As of the publication of the Law on Indigenous Languages (Law 29735), the use of native languages in any public and private space has become more relevant in Peru. The proof of this are television projects that include languages other than Spanish; even the creators of this content demonstrate a position in favor of the diffusion of the native languages and their culture. The objective of this article is to analyze the translation work performed by the interpreters of the micronoticist Letras TV Willakun to evaluate it as a case of language activism in favor of theQuechua language and culture. The work concludes that, after interviewing the interpreters and part of the program’s audience, this is a case of important developing activism in the university environment, despite its difficulties in the translation process. / A partir de la publicación de la Ley de Lenguas Indígenas (Ley 29735), el uso de las lenguas originarias en cualquier espacio público y privado ha cobrado mayor relevancia en el Perú, prueba de ello son los proyectos televisivos que incluyen otras lenguas aparte del castellano; incluso, los creadores de este contenido demuestran una postura a favor de la difusión de las lenguas originarias y su cultura. El objetivo de este artículo es analizar el trabajo de traducción que realizan los intérpretes del micronoticiero Letras TV Willakun para evaluarlo como un caso de activismo lingüístico a favor de la lengua y cultura quechua. El trabajo concluye que, luego de entrevistar a los intérpretes y a parte de la audiencia del programa, se trata de un caso de activismo en desarrollo importante en el ámbito universitario, a pesar de sus dificultades en el proceso de la traducción. / Desde a publicação da Lei de Línguas Indígenas (Lei 29735), o uso de línguas nativas em qualquer espaço público ou privado tornou-se mais relevante no Peru, como evidenciados pelos projetos de televisão que incluem outras línguas além do espanhol; até mesmo os criadores deste conteúdo demonstram uma posição a favor da disseminação das línguas nativas e sua cultura. O objetivo deste artigo é analisar o trabalho de tradução realizado pelos intérpretes do programa de micro-notícias Letras TV Willakun, a fim de avaliá-lo como um caso de ativismo lingüístico em favor da língua e da cultura quíchua. O trabalho conclui que, após entrevistar os intérpretes e parte do público do programa, é um caso de ativismo no desenvolvimento que é importante no ambiente universitário, apesar de suas dificuldades no processo de tradução. / Revisón por pares / Revisión por pares

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This is a year-long ethnographic study of high-school student activists in the New England area that examines youth perceptions of climate change and climate change activism. Our society often devalues the opinions and experiences of young people because of the intersecting marginalized identities they inhabit, including age, race, and gender. Thus, discussions on how climate activism affects youth tend to lack the perspective of the young people themselves. Through a combination of participant-observation and semi-structured interviews, I sought to answer the following research questions: 1) How do young activists in the New England area understand climate change? 2) How does participating in a youth-centered climate justice organization impact their overall sense of well-being? About half-way through the planning of this research study, the coronavirus pandemic swept the world, which added another layer to this research study: 3) How does the COVID-19 pandemic impact youth perceptions and experiences of climate change activism? In this thesis, I argue that young people in this climate organization, through their shared experiences of cultivating social capital, expanding critical consciousness, and adaptive redefining of social relationships, develop a strong and sustained sense of community that motivates them to continue their activism. In a society that undervalues young people, these youth actively reclaim agency and use this to challenge the structures that continue to perpetuate environmental injustice. This in turn provides these young people with a heightened sense of well-being in the face of multiple existential threats that threaten their current and future existence, namely racial injustice, the COVID-19 pandemic, and the potential destruction of their planet. / 2022-11-23T00:00:00Z

This study explores the emergence of changing values associated with heritage in postapartheid South Africa, expressed as a shift from tangible to intangible heritage values. Central to the study is an understanding of the evolutionary construction of changing values in a rooted heritage community within the urban historic environment of Bo-Kaap, the oldest residential suburb of Cape Town. Exploring changing values in Bo-Kaap, where tangible and intangible heritage intersect in the contemporary moment, showcases how heritage ably and fluidly adapts and transforms as an ever-shifting cultural process, and forges new, or altered, modes of identity construction. Bo-Kaap, as the case study, is a significant historic urban environment of Cape Town's central city with a vibrant community having cultural rootedness in place, in slave ancestral heritage, and existing living heritage deserving of protection. It is examined against a backdrop of the localised political, governance and civic agency milieu. The study follows the narrative of Bo-Kaap from its origins as a residential quarter of the early Cape colonial settlement, through the mid twentieth century when Bo-Kaap became largely fashioned and formed into an ethnically defined 'Malay' quarter, conforming to essentialised notions of race and ethnicity dominant in nationalist ideology, through the apartheid regime and the penetrating effects of Group Areas on the social and physical fabric of the area, until the present day where we are witness to a sea-change in outlook of the public on the very meaning and purpose of heritage. Heritage claims and heritage activism entered the realm of active public discourse in 2019 in response to free-market developmental pressures in Bo-Kaap, with inflections of social justice touching the edges of the heritage debate, and invited a broadening of the outermost limits of heritage discourse. Integral to this story is how heritage systems have been shaped by the past and colonial histories, new systems of governance post 1994, and a culture of intensifying identity politics. Following the arc of time illuminates the complex interrelatedness of heritage values with social, historical, and political trajectories, and aims to examine just how dynamically heritage values arise, merge and shift within the inter-relational temporal space; what activates them, who activates them, and to what end; and how they have entered into a space of heritage activism and public discourse. I suggest that this present change in discourse and the display of emerging sets of heritage values requires a highly critical reflexivity on the part of heritage structures and the profession, to look at what these changes mean for heritage praxis and governance and, more importantly, how to advance the relevance of heritage to a sector of South African society advocating for a decolonised heritage value framework.

The increasingly entangled correlation between media, sport and activism in the United States has generated an upsurge in new media research that focuses on athletes’ political social media posts from an ‘outsider’s’ perspective. To clearer comprehend the complex relationship of media, sport and activism from an ‘insider’s’ perspective, this thesis aims to converse with collegiate athletes in the United States about how they experience their personalized politics on social media, as well as it observes the collegiate athletes’ activist practices on particularly Twitter and Facebook. As an auxiliary ‘prop’, I utilize former NFL (National Football League) player Colin Kaepernick’s approach to athlete activism to start the discussions about the topic with the collegiate athletes. Kaepernick’s kneel during the national anthem in 2016, prior to a football game displayed on national television, gained a variety of negative responses, but also sparked a difference in conversations about the politization of sport, and ultimately lead to a swift re-appearance of athlete activism on social media (Serazio and Thorson, 2020). Thus, by collecting interview data and observations of the media practices of collegiate athletes, the analysis draws on bottom-up framing and practice theory to better understand how such sportspersons experience the intersection between sports and politics on social media, the implications of athlete activism, and the media practices involved in such performance. Ultimately, the results of this study suggest that appearances of tensions, anxieties and pressures subsist in collegiate athletes’ activism practices on social media, making it an auspicious site for further research seeking to investigate the intersection of media, sport, and activism.

[pt] Este trabalho argumenta que a renovação das possibilidades da democracia passa tanto pelo desenvolvimento de práticas cooperativas e de um vocabulário a elas associado, quanto pelo adensamento de redes de resistência à hegemonia neoliberal. Apreciaremos o papel das tecnologias de comunicação a partir de dois eixos analíticos, cooperação e conflito, articulados desde uma perspectiva contrahegemônica. No primeiro capítulo, observamos que a produção social em commons tem impacto subjetivo emancipatório a despeito de contribuir para a acumulação capitalista: dá ensejo a uma pedagogia do comum que gera um registro ético que nos leva a considerar nosso relacionamento com aquilo que criamos em termos de proximidade, não de autoria. No segundo capítulo, duas hipóteses sobre as Jornadas de Junho: que um de seus efeitos foi a criação de solidariedade entre classes, e que a principal razão para o que muitos entendem ser seu fracasso não foi nem a falta de liderança centralizada, nem o repúdio a atores políticos tradicionais, mas a união entre governo e mídia corporativa em torno da repressão. Observa-se a disputa simbólica pela configuração do sentido das manifestações: de um lado, a análise de framing dos jornais revela sua contribuição no sentido de elevar a violência ao centro dos protestos, através da nomeação do sujeito-vândalo e da normalização da exceção no intuito de asfixiálo; de outro, o enquadramento polifônico operado pela multidão via Twitcam desconsagrou o mito fundador do jornalismo, ampliou o escopo das vozes na esfera pública e contribuiu para construir o sujeito-político-multidão durante o processo de representá-lo. / [en] Examining the role of communication technologies from two distinct analytical grounds, cooperation and conflict, articulated through a counterhegemonic perspective, we argue that the renewal of democracy rests upon cooperative practices and its vocabularies, as well as the thickening of networks of resistance against neoliberal hegemony. In the first chapter, we argue that social production initiatives can sustain a emancipatory subjective impact, despite its contribution to capitalist accumulation, for it makes room for a pedagogy of the common which leads us to think of our creations in terms of closeness, not authorship. The second chapter puts forward two hypothesis regarding Jornadas de Junho: first, that it ended up creating solidarities bonds among classes, and second, that the main reason for the so called failure of the protests wasn t either its lack of a centralized leadership or its rejection to established political actors, but the alliance between State and corporate media around repression. By way of a framing analysis of the corporate media, we concluded that they managed to put violence at the core of the protests through a double movement that included the naming of a subject-of-violence and the normalization of the state of exception devoted to abort its existence. We also examine the broadcasting of protests through Twitcam, arguing that its polyphonic framing by a multitude of media activists publicly debunked the founding myth of journalism, broadened the scope of voices in the public sphere, thus helping to develop a new political subject in the process of representing it.

The museum of the twenty-first century is operating against the backdrop of ongoing social concerns pertaining to climate change, gender inequalities and racial tensions, and often exhibitions become the contact zones where those expressions are formulated. This research analyses how a democratic and inclusive philosophical perspective such as the Tigens Metod (or method of the thing) is executed by museum professionals. In doing so, Stuart Hall’s model of encoding/decoding is applied as the theoretical framework in investigating the process of exhibition production. It is argued that occasionally resistant positions can emerge from the museum’s ideological discourse and that key actors within the museum field yield different codes according to their own framework of knowledge and relations of production. This challenges the basic assumption in Hall’s model that media institutions yield one singular preferred code into the system. Overall, it is argued that an object-oriented democracy has the potential of challenging power structures, albeit still contingent upon the choices made by museum professionals.