abstract: Sociopolitical involvement has been previously shown to be associated with experiences of discrimination. Lesbian, gay, and bisexual (LGB) racial/ethnic minorities have faced multiple levels of discrimination from the mainstream community, racial/ethnic minority communities, and LGB communities. However, not many studies have investigated the association between intersectional forms of discrimination and sociopolitical involvement. The present study examines differences in perceptions of racism in the LGB community, sociopolitical involvement in racial/ethnic communities, and sociopolitical involvement in LGB communities among LGB racial/ethnic minorities (N = 203, MAge = 27.25). The sample included 107 (52.7%) men and 96 (47.3%) women; 41 (20.2%) lesbians, 89 (43.8%) gay men, and 73 (36.0%) bisexuals; 47 (23.2%) African Americans, 50 (24.6%) Asian Americans, 64 (31.5%) Latinos/as, and 42 (20.7%) from another race/ethnicity or mixed race. This study also looks at the association between perceptions of racism in the LGB community and sociopolitical involvement in racial/ethnic communities and/or LGB communities. Asian American participants reported perceiving higher levels of racism in the LGB community than Latino/a participants. No other differences in perceptions of racism in the LGB community were found between sexual orientation or by racial/ethnic group. No differences between racial/ethnic group or sexual orientations were found in sociopolitical involvement in racial/ethnic or LGB communities. When controlling for sexual orientation, gender, and race/ethnicity, perceptions of racism in the LGB community predicted sociopolitical involvement in racial/ethnic and LGB communities. By exploring correlates of discrimination from an intersectional perspective, this study provides a better understanding of the experiences of LGB racial/ethnic minorities. / Dissertation/Thesis / Masters Thesis Counseling Psychology 2016

abstract: This dissertation examines the history of multiracial alliances among internationalist radical activists in the San Francisco Bay Area from the late 1960s through the 1970s. Using the approaches of social movement history and intellectual history, I critically assess the ideological motivations radicals held for building alliances and the difficulties they encountered with their subsequent coalitional work in four areas of coalescence—the antiwar movement, political prisoner solidarity, higher education, and electoral politics. Radical activists sought to dismantle the systemic racism (as well as economic exploitation, patriarchy, and the intersections of these oppressions) that structured U.S. society, through the creation of broad-based movements with likeminded organizations. The activists in this study also held an orientation toward internationalist solidarity, linking the structural oppressions against which they struggled in the United States to the Vietnam War and other U.S. militaristic interventions overseas and viewing these entanglements as interconnected forces that exploited the masses around the world. Scholarly and popular interpretations of Sixties radical movements have traditionally characterized them as narrowly-focused and divisive. In contrast, my research highlights the persistent desire among Bay Area radicals to form alliances across these decades, which I argue demonstrates the importance of collaborative organizing within these activist networks. Scholarship on coalitional politics also tends to emphasize “unlikely alliances” between “strange bedfellows.” In contrast, this project illuminates how sharing similar ideological principles predisposed these radical organizations to creating alliances with others. Coalitions remain integral to contemporary social and political movements, and excavating the possibilities but also problems within previous broad-based organizing efforts provides a usable history for understanding and confronting societal issues in the present day. At the same time, the multifarious manifestations of racism and other systems of inequality demonstrate the need to first understand how these oppressions affect minority groups uniquely, before we can understand how they affect groups in comparison to each other. / Dissertation/Thesis / Doctoral Dissertation History 2016

abstract: Shareholder Activism is a mechanism by which investors who hold a significant but non-majority percentage of a company’s stock, exercise their voting rights, participate in corporate governance and influence operational decisions of target companies. The purpose is improve corporate governance, increase firm performance and boost share -holders’ returns. Existing studies of shareholder activism, based largely in mature capital markets like the US, come to different conclusions regarding its impact on firm performance. In this paper, I collect data on shareholder activism events in the China A Share market between 2006 and 2016. The sample includes 60 companies targeted by 42 activist investors over this period. I find that institutional investors, typically industrial capital and private funds, playing an increasingly important role in corporate governance of Chinese listed companies through activism. The disclosure of the holdings of activists results in large gains in the target firm. I also find subsequent improvements in long -term operational performance of target firms. Activist investors in China focus on smaller targets and those characterized by higher agency costs and lower operating performance. Activists appear to be largely concerned with improvements in business strategy and M&A activity. Non-hostile behavior is more likely to be related to successful activism in China. In addition to statistical evidence, I present case studies of the “BaoWan dispute” and the activist investment of Butterfly Capital in two firms, “Guonong” and “Xiuqiang”. The case studies highlight the mechanism employed by these firms to influence performance. I conclude with policy recommendations and direction for further research. / Dissertation/Thesis / Doctoral Dissertation Business Administration 2017

As a result of the #MeToo movement in Sweden, #sistabriefen was created to represent the women, non-binaries and trans-persons working within the communications industry. This study analyzes the dynamics and identities of the #sistabriefen group members on their private social media platform. The analysis incorporates The Logic of Connective Action by Bennett and Segerberg (2012), and two complementary Social Identity Perspectives; Social Identity Theory and Self-Categorization Theory (Hogg & Terry, 2001; Hogg & Reid, 2006). The study consisted of 23 interview participants, and a qualitative content analysis over the course of five months. This research assesses how members are motivated to participate in the #sistabriefen group, how they identify themselves within the group, and how the group features affect members’ involvement. The findings of the research indicated that digital social movements have the potential to effectively mobilize social change.

Submitted by Aelson Maciera (aelsoncm@terra.com.br) on 2017-06-14T19:03:46Z No. of bitstreams: 1 DissGP.pdf: 1665311 bytes, checksum: 8d14b298524d6b6845eeebb2abd0224d (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Ronildo Prado (ronisp@ufscar.br) on 2017-06-27T17:24:43Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 DissGP.pdf: 1665311 bytes, checksum: 8d14b298524d6b6845eeebb2abd0224d (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Ronildo Prado (ronisp@ufscar.br) on 2017-06-27T17:24:51Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 DissGP.pdf: 1665311 bytes, checksum: 8d14b298524d6b6845eeebb2abd0224d (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-06-27T17:29:14Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 DissGP.pdf: 1665311 bytes, checksum: 8d14b298524d6b6845eeebb2abd0224d (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-07-29 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES) / The manifestations occured in June 2013 in Brazil were marked by a large content production by a great diversity of users, indie medias and the traditional media. Whitin this premise, this research uses discourse analysis as a methodology to observe how interactions between contents produced by users in platforms as Facebook, YouTube, and the Twitcasting and media portals promote a discursive transmedia happening. As a study case, the research also analyses the alternative media collective Mídia Ninja, analyzing its production structure and how it´s contents promoted interactions with the traditional media, promoting discutions on the new relationship between activism and media. / As manifestações iniciadas em junho 2013 no Brasil foram marcadas por uma grande produção de conteúdo em diversas plataformas por usuários, mídias alternativas e mídias tradicionais. Partindo dessa premissa, a pesquisa se utiliza metodologicamente da análise do discurso para observar como as interações entre os conteúdos produzidos para plataformas como Facebook, YouTube, Twitcasting e nos grandes portais de mídias promovem um acontecimento discursivo transmidiático. Como estudo de caso, a pesquisa também utilizará uma análise do grupo de mídia alternativa Mídia Ninja, ao investigar sua estrutura de produção e como seus conteúdos promoveram interações com a grande mídia promovendo, assim, discussões sobre as relações contemporâneas entre o ativismo e as mídias.

Submitted by Viviane Lima da Cunha (viviane@biblioteca.ufpb.br) on 2016-07-27T13:58:03Z No. of bitstreams: 1 arquivototal.pdf: 25593399 bytes, checksum: d93a65373fec2aca9996f64ec2dc1ec3 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-07-27T13:58:03Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 arquivototal.pdf: 25593399 bytes, checksum: d93a65373fec2aca9996f64ec2dc1ec3 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-03-20 / The growing range of stabling Human Rights, since appear to be contemporary demand inseparable to the evolution of democratic societies, prevents the state to take a shy profile and involves the assumption of responsibilities by the powers that be, including the judiciary itself, despite its character essentially inert. Faced thus a certain passivity of the legislative and executive branches for the development of instruments of defense and protection of these prerogatives and on the structuring of public policy and regulatory guarantees aimed at its implementation, it is conjectured about the causes and consequences of expanding the profile of judicial activity in order to examine whether the rapprochement between the judicial creation of law and human rights, brokered by the exercise of constitutional jurisdiction, if electing, as the central figure of this action the Supreme Court. Thus, it remains to ask to what extent the expansion of the profile of this type of jurisdiction and its respective haughtiness leads to greater effectiveness of the Human Rights circumstances imagined by the use of a hermeneutic result of principled openness and ontological relationship between them and the fundamental rights protectable by the state. The analysis is guided by the literature review and critical perspective, both brought together by a descriptivist posture. / A crescente amplitude de resguardo de Direitos Humanos, uma vez que parecem constituir exigência contemporânea indissociável à evolução das sociedades democráticas, impede que o Estado assuma um perfil tímido e implica na assunção de responsabilidades pelos poderes instituídos, inclusive ao próprio Judiciário, apesar do seu caráter eminentemente inerte. Diante, assim, de certa passividade dos Poderes Legislativo e Executivo quanto ao desenvolvimento de instrumentos de defesa e proteção dessas prerrogativas, bem como acerca da estruturação de políticas públicas e regulamentação de garantias voltadas a sua implementação, conjectura-se sobre as causas e consequências da ampliação do perfil da atividade jurisdicional a fim de analisar-se a aproximação entre a criação judicial do direito e os Direitos do Homem, intermediado pelo exercício da jurisdição constitucional, elegendo-se, como figura central desta atuação o Supremo Tribunal Federal. Assim, resta questionar até que ponto a ampliação do perfil dessa modalidade de jurisdição e sua respectiva altivez conduz a uma maior efetividade dos Direitos Humanos, circunstância imaginada pela utilização de uma hermenêutica decorrente da abertura principiológica e da relação ontológica entre estes e os direitos fundamentais tuteláveis pelo Estado. A análise pauta-se pela revisão bibliográfica e pela perspectiva crítica, ambas reunidas por uma postura descritivista.

This dissertation, entitled "Women in the City Policy of Santa Maria in the 1980s: Activism and Trajectory", belonging to the line of research "Culture, Migrations and Work", seeks to highlight a fragment History of female activism in the indicated period, through interviews with women who occupied different spaces of power in politics santa- Marian In this sense, it aims to identify which power spaces were these, which parties, which movements and associations that marked presence, problematizing how their participation in them developed. Also, it is tried to identify that bonds established in the movement of women and what claims and debates proposed in the city. To do so, in the first chapter the reader will be able to visualize the political participation of women in Brazil since the civil-military dictatorship, when the main forms of struggle and debates against it will be identified. In the second chapter, it will be possible to see how women interviewed intervened politically in the city through their individual trajectories and possible connections. Finally, the third chapter should problematize women's activism in essentially masculine spaces, and also how they stood before the debates in the women's movement with their different conceptions of feminism, as well as their memories that marked their activism, related to The issue of women. It should be emphasized that this dissertation was developed with the help of Bolsa Capes-DS. / Esta dissertação, intitulada "Mulheres na Política de Cidade de Santa Maria na década de 1980: Ativismo e Trajetória", pertencente a linha de pesquisa "Cultura, Migrações e Trabalho", busca evidenciar um fragmento da História do ativismo feminino no período indicado, através de entrevistas realizadas com mulheres que ocuparam diferentes espaços de poder na política santa-mariense. Neste sentido, objetiva-se identificar que espaços de poder foram esses, quais partidos, quais movimentos e associações que marcaram presença, problematizando como se desenvolveu a participação delas nos mesmos. Também, procura-se identificar que laços estabeleceram no movimento de mulheres e que reivindicações e debates propuseram na cidade. Para tanto, no primeiro capítulo o leitor poderá visualizar a participação política das mulheres no Brasil desde a ditadura civil-militar, quando será identificada as principais formas de luta e debates que travaram contra ela. No segundo capítulo, será possível perceber como as mulheres entrevistas interviram politicamente na cidade por meio de suas trajetórias individuais e possíveis conexões. Por fim, o terceiro capítulo deverá problematizar o ativismo feminino em espaços essencialmente masculinos e, também, como elas se posicionavam ante os debates no movimento de mulheres com suas diferentes concepções de feminismo, assim como, suas lembranças que marcaram o seu ativismo, relacionada a questão da mulher. Ressalta-se que essa dissertação foi desenvolvida com auxílio de Bolsa Capes-DS.

In this doctoral dissertation, I put party members and activists back in context. I stress theimportance of two contextual dimensions, often overlooked in the scientific literature. On theone hand, I put forward social network explanations of party membership and activism,emphasizing the importance of social interactions, relations and structures, which were scarcelyexplored as potential triggers. Like other forms of participation, party membership haspredominantly been portrayed through individuals as isolated, independent units, disconnectedfrom their micro social environment. On the other hand, local party branches as research objecthave often been ignored in the literature on party organisations, dominated by research on thenational mother party. Yet, we know little about how these local groups organise, how theycontribute to the recruitment and retention of members, and, more broadly, how the local partylevel copes with the challenges faced by the national organisation.With contribution on both supply and demand side of party membership studies, my dissertationis interested in questioning party membership and activism through network triggers and localparty organisations. Therefore, the final work comprises and articulates three empiricalchapters, offering their own sets of empirical analyses developed on original data.Inspired by network theory of political participation, the first chapter highlights the role ofpersonal networks as micro-contexts. Relying on original survey data gathered among a quotasample of 2,800 Belgian citizens, the chapter raises the question how the structure andcomposition of citizens’ social networks influence their probability to be party members.Regarding the structure, I demonstrate that the chance of joining a party increases alongnetwork size and density, with a stronger effect when the network is operationalised throughpolitical discussion. Regarding the composition, I show a major, positive effect of politicalattributes (attitudes of others: satisfaction and party closeness; and behaviours of other: otherforms of participation and party membership) and homophily (congruence in the network onthose political attributes) on the chances of joining a party, and, furthermore, the dominant partyin the network. Besides, social composition and homophily calls for further investigations.Overall, the chapter shows the effect of social context: how individuals behave and think towardpolitical parties is intimately linked with the features of their close social environment.The second chapter looks at party membership in local context. Framed by a functionalapproach of local party organisations, the chapter is dedicated to a qualitative assessment oflocal party branches as social and political groups. I ask how they organise, how they function,and, ultimately, discuss how they are impacted by party change. For this, I rely on a qualitativeanalysis of various empirical materials: hours of ethnographic observation within 11 local partybranches active in Brussels, complemented by interviews with their local presidents and adocument analysis of party statutes and local party rules and procedures, complemented withother internal and public party documents (leaflets, emails, posters, invitations, minutes,agenda, etc.). I show, first, that the organisation of local parties can be read through the trypticdeveloped to apprehend their national organisation (on the ground, in central and public office).Actually, local branches are divided into smaller groups, which all adopt different formal rulesand informal practices. Second, I stress that local party branches fulfil specific functions and anessential role of organisational and democratic maintenance, even if national membershipfigures are dropping. Local parties are involved in a complex dynamic between their role intheir municipality and as part of a larger party organisation. Nonetheless, this second chapterconcludes by pinpointing evidence of local party change: ascendency of the central and publicoffice, concentration of power, gap between members and officials, focus on nominationfunctions, etc.The third and last chapter puts party members in social and local party context. Bringing backnetwork theory, the chapter questions to what extent party activism might be triggered by thesocial networks built by members with their local branch fellows, or with higher party actors.The chapter consists in a quantitative analysis of survey data collected among local partyinformants belonging to 5 of the 11 local party branches. Respondents completed a shortquestionnaire adopting a similar operationalisation of social networks as in the first part of thedissertation. I demonstrate that the central place occupied by members in the network of theirlocal party branch (network centrality) is a good predictor of involvement at both the local andother organisational levels. This finding provides evidence to the “strength of strong ties” theoryin context of party organisation. In other words, the more a member is connected to othermembers of the branch aside from formal party activities, the more probability for this memberto be a party activist. I also show that extensive contacts with elected officials enhance thechances of joining a local party branch. Finally, I highlight that party members motivated bysolidary incentives are less likely to take part in higher participatory opportunities proposed bypolitical parties.More generally, my dissertation explores contexts in which party members and activists areembedded. It goes beyond individualistic considerations of traditional political behaviour andbrings back the local level into the organisational analysis of party membership.Methodologically, I extensively rely on Social Network Analysis to provide original relationalinsights on phenomena deeply collective by nature. Empirically, I focus on Belgium, a casehighly relevant to test new, “social” perspective on party membership. / Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

A presente dissertação tem por objetivo apresentar ferramentas que fomentem a implementação de uma espécie de controle de constitucionalidade dialógico no ordenamento jurídico brasileiro, de forma a mitigar a supremacia judicial ostentada pelo Supremo Tribunal Federal. Para isso, foi organizado em três capítulos. Os dois primeiros dirigem-se a realizar uma abordagem comparada, por meio de um breve apanhado histórico e análise jurisprudencial, entre os sistemas constitucionais dos Estados Unidos, da Colômbia, da Costa Rica e do Brasil e entre os seus respetivos Tribunais imbuídos da função da realização do controle de constitucionalidade. Com isto, busca-se demonstrar o assentamento da supremacia judicial em uma visão mais ampla, bem como em uma realidade latino-americana. O terceiro capítulo, por sua vez, tem o escopo de explorar as diversas vertentes da teoria dos diálogos constitucionais, elaborar um conceito de diálogo substancial e, por fim, elaborar proposições de instrumentos dialógicos ainda não existentes no ordenamento jurídico pátrio, bem como sugerir a reformulação de alguns já existentes. O intuito primordial da parte final da dissertação é a busca da promoção de uma ressignificação do controle de constitucionalidade, de forma a democratiza-lo, mitigando a supremacia judicial, incluindo no debate sobre o significado da Constituição, além do Poder Judiciário, os Poderes Executivo e Legislativo, e a sociedade como um todo. / This master’s dissertation aims do present tools that provide the implementation of a kind of dialogic judicial review in the Brazilian legal framework, so as to mitigate the judicial supremacy displayed by the Supremo Tribunal Federal. In order to do that, it was organized in three chapters. The first two chapters carry out a comparative approach, through a short historical description e and jurisprudential analyses, between the American, the Colombian, the Costa Rican and the Brazilian constitutional systems and its respective Courts that perform judicial review. In that manner, it is the objective to demonstrate the settlement of judicial supremacy in a broad vision, and also in a Latin American reality. The third chapter, by its turn, aims to explore the different aspects of the constitutional dialogue theory, elaborate a concept of substantial dialogue and, in conclusion, elaborate propositions of dialogical instruments not yet existent in the native legal order, and also suggest a reformulation of others that already exist. The paramount intention of dissertation’s final part is the promotion of a resignification of judicial review, so as to democratize it, mitigating judicial supremacy, incorporating in the debate about the significance of the Constitution, other than the Judicial power, the Executive and the Legislative powers, and the society as a hole.

A dissertação que se apresenta é uma investigação realizada a partir da experiência de ativismo de bairro desenvolvida entre os anos de 2012 e 2014 no bairro Jardim Universitário, em Viamão – RS. A experiência foi construída na relação entre moradores, estudantes acadêmicos e militantes de organizações sociais que primaram pela produção do espaço a partir da concepção dos próprios sujeitos que vivem no bairro. Esta proposta diverge da lógica de produção do espaço gerenciada pelo Estado ou pelo setor privado que, em geral, produzem intervenções na perspectiva tecnocrática, negligenciado os interesses dos sujeitos que possuem acúmulo de vivências em determinado espaço. Com este pressuposto, colocamos em movimento o seguinte questionamento: ―como a produção do espaço é condicionado e condicionante dos sujeitos que o vivenciam?‖. Pela ótica teórica de Henri Lefebvre com a Produção do Espaço e de Cornelius Castoriadis, com o Projeto de Autonomia, além de um referencial conceitual composto por autores de matrizes afins, objetivamos sistematizar e refletir a produção do espaço originária de relações sociais inspiradas na geração de autonomia. Metodologicamente, a pesquisa é organizada em uma parte descritiva, que serve de base para o diálogo entre o discurso dos sujeitos que participaram da experiência e o referencial teórico e conceitual. A Geografia como uma ciência do pensar-fazer epistêmico e político dos sujeitos na transformação do espaço e de suas relações sociais. / The presented dissertation is based on an investigation performed since an experience of neighbourhood activism developed between 2012 and 2014 in the Jardim Universitário district, part of Viamão city - RS. The experience was built over the relations among the dwellers, the academic students and militant members of social organizations, which aimed to achieve a production of space established according the concepts of the own dwellers of the district. This proposal diverges from the management applied by the governmental logic for the production of space or by the private sectors that, in general, produce interventions under a technocratic point of view and that neglects the individual ambitions of those who have accumulated experiences in an specific space. According to this assumption, the following query emerges: "How is the production of space a conditioner and it is conditioned by the individuals that experience that?". Regarding to the theoretical perspective of Henri Lefebvre with the concept of Production of Space, and the Project of Autonomy, developed by Cornelius Castoriadis, it is aimed to systematize and to reflect the production of space that is generated by social relations inspired by the production of autonomy. Methodologically, this research is organized with a descriptive section that bases the dialogue between the individuals' speech that took part in the Jardim Universitário experience and the conceptual and theoretical references of this work. The Geography, as a science, belongs to the epistemic and politic "thinking-making" of the individuals in the transforming process of space and about their social relations.