This case study of members of Iraq Veterans Against the War explores how identity, institutional context and affiliation, emotions, and the notion of healing come together in the experience of activism. Using an interpretive approach, I employ in-depth interviews and observation derived primarily from one local chapter, and visual and textual analysis of newspaper articles, organization documents, and video footage of IVAW actions including Operation First Casualty and the 2012 Medal Return, to better understand the ways in which identification with the institution these activists simultaneously attempt to undermine, the military, shapes their identity and subsequent activism in terms of the actions, strategies and tactics they engage in. I also explore the ways in which their experiences in war and the military have shaped their activism in terms of emotions and the notion of healing. This study finds that identifying as anti-war veterans and deploying that identity in activism enables an insider/outsider status that informs their critique and establishes legitimacy and political standing, which is evident in their public activism. I also find that within this context an emotion culture is created that enables the possibility for healing, catharsis, and the development of a politicized understanding of the mental and physical consequences of war that is intended to empower and mobilize veterans into anti-war activism.

Within the framework of Critical Discourse Studies, this thesis looks at how Hazara peoples’ online activism during the Afghanistan 2009 and 2014 Presidential Elections contributed to promoting civil society and democratic values in Post-2001Afghanistan. The data corpus for this research is a selection of twelve published articles from the four most popular Hazara activists’ affiliated websites: The Republic of Silence, Hazara People International Network, Kabul Press and Hazara Net. Hazara writers applied a critical, but divisive and ethnocentric language to construct a political discourse during the Afghan national elections and polarized Afghan ethnic groups and differentiated between people and politicians. Despite the divisive and polarized discourse strategies in their texts, Hazara writers opened a fresh space for ethnic conversation in the Afghan online public sphere during the elections and enriched Afghan mainstream media discourse. The data corpus unveiled political activism based on historical consciousness, collective adaptability to social changes, and a continuous interest in education and civic activism as main Hazara online themes in post-2001 Afghanistan. These Hazara texts promote one role in particular for Hazaras, and that is to protest yesterday’s oppressive history, correct today's political structures and transform tomorrow's political culture in Afghanistan, so that all activists share something more than race, blood and ethnicity.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-08-03T12:31:21Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 CAPA Dissert Herois da Natureza.pdf: 76001 bytes, checksum: b69d6efc506a9abd921ac9bbb24a5ab3 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-04-13 / Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico / This study proposes a reflection on the treatment of the imaginary hero of the campaign of non-governmental organization Greenpeace on its website. The corpus was the editorials designed to promote each of its action front: Amazon, Climate and Energy, Nuclear, Ocean and Transgenic. The amount of five editorials were collected on April 18, 2010. In the social context, this NGO is inserted into a conflict between natural resources conservation and industrial and economic development. Furthermore, a change in the paradigms and values of social relations due to technological advances, and the emergence of cyberspace. The aim therefore is to understand how the relation between of the actions of Greenpeace and the imaginary hero benefits joining the cyber activism. For that we use a discourse analysis of the French line as theoretical and methodological, axis, including as main thinkers Patrick Charaudeau and Dominique Maingueneau, whose ideas have helped to examine how language is used in these editorials, studying its context, resulting in ideological discourse pervaded by the hero s imagery. The study revealed that the discursive techniques used in the editorials helped to create the ethos of the hero, the villain and the girl and that these elements appreciate the actions of Greenpeace to a heroic level. / Este estudo propõe uma reflexão sobre o tratamento dado ao imaginário do herói nas campanhas da organização não governamental Greenpeace, em seu site. O corpus de análise foi composto pelos editoriais elaborados para divulgar cada uma de suas frentes de ação: Amazônia, Clima e Energia, Nuclear, Oceano e Transgênicos. Foram ao total cinco editoriais, coletados no dia 18 de abril de 2010. No contexto social, esta ONG está inserida num conflito entre a preservação dos recursos naturais e desenvolvimento industrial e econômico. Além disso, considera-se também a mudança nos paradigmas e valores das relações sociais determinada pelo avanço tecnológico e o consequente surgimento do ciberespaço. O objetivo, portanto, é buscar entender como a relação das ações do Greenpeace com o imaginário do herói beneficia a adesão ao ciberativismo. Para isso usamos a Análise do Discurso da linha francesa como eixo teórico-metodológico, tendo como principais pensadores Patrick Charaudeau e Dominique Maingueneau, cujas ideias ajudaram a examinar a maneira como a linguagem é empregada nesses editoriais, estudando o seu contexto, resultando num discurso ideológico impregnado pelo imaginário do herói. Concluiu-se, que as técnicas discursivas utilizadas nos editoriais auxiliaram na criação do ethos do herói, do bandido e da vítima e que esses elementos valorizam as ações dos Greenpeace elevando a um patamar heróico.

A presente dissertação tem por objetivo apresentar ferramentas que fomentem a implementação de uma espécie de controle de constitucionalidade dialógico no ordenamento jurídico brasileiro, de forma a mitigar a supremacia judicial ostentada pelo Supremo Tribunal Federal. Para isso, foi organizado em três capítulos. Os dois primeiros dirigem-se a realizar uma abordagem comparada, por meio de um breve apanhado histórico e análise jurisprudencial, entre os sistemas constitucionais dos Estados Unidos, da Colômbia, da Costa Rica e do Brasil e entre os seus respetivos Tribunais imbuídos da função da realização do controle de constitucionalidade. Com isto, busca-se demonstrar o assentamento da supremacia judicial em uma visão mais ampla, bem como em uma realidade latino-americana. O terceiro capítulo, por sua vez, tem o escopo de explorar as diversas vertentes da teoria dos diálogos constitucionais, elaborar um conceito de diálogo substancial e, por fim, elaborar proposições de instrumentos dialógicos ainda não existentes no ordenamento jurídico pátrio, bem como sugerir a reformulação de alguns já existentes. O intuito primordial da parte final da dissertação é a busca da promoção de uma ressignificação do controle de constitucionalidade, de forma a democratiza-lo, mitigando a supremacia judicial, incluindo no debate sobre o significado da Constituição, além do Poder Judiciário, os Poderes Executivo e Legislativo, e a sociedade como um todo. / This master’s dissertation aims do present tools that provide the implementation of a kind of dialogic judicial review in the Brazilian legal framework, so as to mitigate the judicial supremacy displayed by the Supremo Tribunal Federal. In order to do that, it was organized in three chapters. The first two chapters carry out a comparative approach, through a short historical description e and jurisprudential analyses, between the American, the Colombian, the Costa Rican and the Brazilian constitutional systems and its respective Courts that perform judicial review. In that manner, it is the objective to demonstrate the settlement of judicial supremacy in a broad vision, and also in a Latin American reality. The third chapter, by its turn, aims to explore the different aspects of the constitutional dialogue theory, elaborate a concept of substantial dialogue and, in conclusion, elaborate propositions of dialogical instruments not yet existent in the native legal order, and also suggest a reformulation of others that already exist. The paramount intention of dissertation’s final part is the promotion of a resignification of judicial review, so as to democratize it, mitigating judicial supremacy, incorporating in the debate about the significance of the Constitution, other than the Judicial power, the Executive and the Legislative powers, and the society as a hole.

Doctor of Philosophy / Department of Sociology, Anthropology, and Social Work / Spencer Wood / In this study, I investigate UndocuQueer activists and their use of social media as one type of subaltern counterpublic. Subaltern counterpublics are spaces marginalized communities forge to center their voices and experiences. These counterpublics represent aggregations of emancipatory agency and stand as responses to their exclusion or marginalization by the dominant public sphere. UndocuQueer activists strategically engage in the public sphere using social media because it grants them momentum and brings national attention to their agenda. In this research, I use an interdisciplinary and intersectional approach to understand the UndocuQueer social movement. The guiding research questions were: 1) How do UndocuQueer activists create subaltern counterpublics? 2) How do UndocuQueer activists present their multiple and complex identities on Twitter? Using critical discourse analysis of Twitter, I coded and analyzed over 600 tweets. To further this analysis, I used critical Xicana feminist standpoint to gather three testimonios of UndocuQueer activists. The major findings are of this project are: 1) the UndocuQueer subaltern counterpublic formed through the state’s anti-immigrant policies and the public sphere’s marginalizations and misrepresentations. 2) the UndocuQueer community forged an intersectional subaltern counterpublic online through their lived experiences as undocumented and queer. 3) the undocu-movements: UndocuQueer, UndocuTrans, UndocuBlack, UndocuAPI, and UndocuSolidarity operate coalitionally; thus, I call this a coalitional intersectional subaltern counterpublic. 4) the UndocuQueer activists use social media for community, expression and support of art, and organizing. 5) Lastly, UndocuQueer activists engage in multiple forms of activism via social media, such as participating in marches and civil disobedience and sharing events, workshops, petitions, and donation pages. Overall, this study provides a rich description of how marginalized communities, especially those of the UndocuQueer community, have great agency despite their precarious situation: a counter narrative that is usually unexposed. This project finds how the UndocuQueer community face multiple marginalizations and exclusions from the state through its anti-immigrant policies, the public sphere through its misrepresentations in the media, from LGBTQ communities and organizations, and from Latinx and immigrant communities. I show how the UndocuQueer’s intersectional and coalitional subaltern counterpublic forged online as a safe haven for themselves and to engage with the public sphere. With this information, we have find better ways to be their allies, support them, and listen to their calls to action.

Orientador: Prof. Dr. Sérgio Amadeu da Silveira / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Federal do ABC, Programa de Pós-Graduação em Ciências Humanas e Sociais, 2015. / As chamadas Jornadas de Junho de 2013, que levaram milhões às ruas em diversas cidades brasileiras, são o objeto de estudo desta pesquisa. São analisadas as 27 principais páginas no Facebook de junho de 2013, chamadas de autoridades de rede, devido à grande influência que exercem entre os nodos. Analisamos dez publicações no Facebook de cada página que geraram maior engajamento no período, buscando identificar quais foram as estratégias utilizadas por elas. Discutimos esse novo ativismo que surgiu na chamada era da sociedade informacional, principalmente, com a democratização da internet e dispositivos móveis, e as consequentes mudanças no ecossistema comunicacional, conforme apontam Castells, Ugarte e outros autores. O modo de circulação da informação tem alterado as relações sociais, a organização e estruturação das manifestações, como as ocorridas em diversos países do mundo, inclusive no Brasil, convocadas e articuladas essencialmente por meio de plataformas de redes sociais digitais, como o Facebook. Memes e virais se constituem como uma nova forma de linguagem, capazes de engajar centenas de milhares de pessoas. Esse número ilimitado de memes e virais dão vida à memesfera, como conceitua Fernando Fontanella, ou ainda uma lógica hipermemética, segundo Limor Shifman. Por fim, são apontadas as limitações que o Facebook impõe para a circulação das informações, confirmando o potencial de controle das redes digitais. / The protests of June 2013, which brought millions to the streets in several Brazilian cities, are the object of study of this research. Analyzes the 27 main pages on Facebook at June 2013, called authorities, because of the great influence exerted between nodes. We have analyzed ten Facebook posts of each page that generated greater engagement in the period, trying to identify what were the strategies used by them. We discussed this new activism that emerged in the era of so-called information society, especially with the democratization of the Internet and mobile devices, and the consequent changes in the communication ecosystem as point Castells, Ugarte and other authors. The flow of information so has changed social relations, organization and structuring of events such as those that occurred in several countries, including Brazil, convened essentially and articulated through digital social networking platforms such as Facebook. Memes and virals constitute themselves as a new form of language, able to engage hundreds of thousands of people. This unlimited number of virals and memes give life to memesfera, as conceptualized Fernando Fontanella, or a hipermemetic logic, according to Limor Shifman. Finally, the limitations are pointed out that Facebook imposes to the circulation of information, confirming the potential control of digital networks.

Submitted by Maykon Nascimento (maykon.albani@hotmail.com) on 2016-05-12T18:18:58Z No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 23148 bytes, checksum: 9da0b6dfac957114c6a7714714b86306 (MD5) Dissertacao Luiz Henrique Vargas.pdf: 611443 bytes, checksum: d68288aa0a1d0f9bbf960b13ccc56d8a (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Patricia Barros (patricia.barros@ufes.br) on 2016-07-01T13:57:17Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 23148 bytes, checksum: 9da0b6dfac957114c6a7714714b86306 (MD5) Dissertacao Luiz Henrique Vargas.pdf: 611443 bytes, checksum: d68288aa0a1d0f9bbf960b13ccc56d8a (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-07-01T13:57:17Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 23148 bytes, checksum: 9da0b6dfac957114c6a7714714b86306 (MD5) Dissertacao Luiz Henrique Vargas.pdf: 611443 bytes, checksum: d68288aa0a1d0f9bbf960b13ccc56d8a (MD5) / Este estudo tem por objetivo verificar quais as características e determinantes do ativismo de acionistas nas empresas brasileiras de capital aberto. Por ativismo de acionistas entende-se a tentativa da parte dos acionistas de provocarem alterações na empresa sem uma mudança em sua estrutura de controle, como definem Gillan e Starks (2007). A amostra é composta por 322 empresas para o ano de 2010 e 347 empresas para 2012. Foram analisadas, junto a essas empresas, as atas de assembleias ordinárias, notícias que relataram alguma forma de ativismo e processos abertos junto à Comissão de Valores Mobiliários (CVM). Para o alcance do objetivo, formulou-se um índice composto por sete questões buscando-se evidenciar o ativismo de acionista na amostra do estudo, além da aplicação de regressão logística e regressão linear múltipla. Como resultados principais observou-se a ocorrência de ativismo de acionistas nas atas por meio de propostas apresentadas previamente e durante a assembleia, votos contrários e rejeição às propostas apresentadas, assim como a busca por representação nos conselhos de administração e fiscal, com eleição de membros efetivos por acionistas minoritários para suas composições. Verificou-se evidências de ativismo de acionistas em notícias no período da amostra, com destaque para os eventos de incorporação e operações de fechamento de capital. Pelo interesse que esses eventos despertaram na mídia, observou-se a ocorrência de republicações das notícias com aumento no quantitativo de um período a outro. Quanto aos processos abertos junto à CVM, evidenciou-se redução no quantitativo do ano de 2010 para o ano de 2012, embora tenha ocorrido aumento nos processos relativos a “Medidas adotadas por controlador e/ou administrador da companhia”. O Índice de Ativismo de Acionistas apresentou pontuação máxima para cinco das sete questões, para apenas duas das empresas nos períodos da amostra. As chances de uma empresa ser alvo de ativismo são afetadas negativamente pelo retorno sobre patrimônio líquido e concentração de propriedade e positivamente pelo tamanho da empresa, tamanho do conselho de administração, quantidade de propostas da administração na ordem do dia da assembleia e quantidade de acionistas, tanto pessoas físicas quanto jurídicas. No entanto, com a utilização da variável quantidade de acionistas pessoas jurídicas, observa-se a não significância estatística para o modelo referente às reclamações abertas junto à CVM. Para as empresas alvo de ativismo evidenciou-se através de regressão linear múltipla que a intensidade do ativismo medido pelo índice é afetada negativamente pelo endividamento, e positivamente pelo tamanho da empresa e quantidade de acionistas pessoas físicas. Desta forma, este estudo contribui para a literatura sobre ativismo de acionistas no mercado acionário brasileiro ao evidenciar sua ocorrência pela utilização de metodologia diferente da frequentemente aplicada a estudos internacionais anteriores, com a utilização de três frentes de análise: atas, notícias e processos abertos junto à CVM. Esta gama de informações permite a verificação desse fenômeno frequentemente analisado em estudos internacionais, porém com escassas pesquisas no mercado acionário brasileiro. / This study aims at verifying the characteristics and determinants of shareholder activism in public Brazilian companies. Shareholder activism means the attempt of shareholders to cause alterations in the company, without changing its control structure, as defined by Gillan e Starks (2007). The sample is made up of 322 companies for the year 2010 and 347 companies for 2012. The study analyzed minutes of the ordinary meetings, media news on activism, and complaints at the Brazilian Securities and Exchange Commission (CVM). In order to achieve our goals and show shareholder activism in the sample, an index made up of seven questions was employed, as well as logistic regression and multiple linear regression. The results show the existence of shareholder activism expressed in the minutes through proposals made before and during the meetings, opposing votes and refusal of proposals presented, as well as search for representation in board of directors and audit committee through the election effective members by minority shareholders. Evidence of shareholder activism was verified in news of that period, mainly incorporation events and capital closing operations. Because of the interest these events aroused in the media, the news about them were republished, which led to an increase in the figures from one year to another. As far as the proceedings filed at the Brazilian Securities and Exchange Commission are concerned, there was a decrease from 2010 to 2012, even though there was an increase in proceedings concerning “measures adopted by company’s administrator and/or controller". The Shareholder Activism Index showed the highest score for five of the seven questions for only two of the sample companies in the study period. The chances of a company to target of activism are negatively affected by return on equity and ownership concentration, and positively by firm size, board size , number of proposals during meetings and quantity of shareholders; both individuals and corporations. However, when using the variable “number of individual shareholders”, no statistical significance was found for the model referring to complaints filed at CVM. For companies that had been target of activism, multiple linear regression and activism measured by the index showed that the company is negatively affected by leverage, and positively affected by firm size and quantity of individual shareholders. Therefore, this study is a contribution the literature on shareholder activism in the Brazilian stock market by showing the existence of the former through methodology different from what had been used in international studies, i.e. analyzing three aspects: meeting minutes, media news, and complaints filed at Brazilian Securities and Exchange Commission. This variety of information allows verifying this phenomenon that is frequently analyzed in international studies, but scarcely investigated in the Brazilian market.

Submitted by GISLEINE FÁTIMA DURIGAN NUNES null (gidurigan@hotmail.com) on 2016-04-24T20:14:17Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação final - pós-defesa.pdf: 1357510 bytes, checksum: cf1df16fb8949469c63a9f7cddd9cf9f (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Felipe Augusto Arakaki (arakaki@reitoria.unesp.br) on 2016-04-26T20:40:10Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 durigan_gf_me_bauru.pdf: 1357510 bytes, checksum: cf1df16fb8949469c63a9f7cddd9cf9f (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T20:40:10Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 durigan_gf_me_bauru.pdf: 1357510 bytes, checksum: cf1df16fb8949469c63a9f7cddd9cf9f (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-02-29 / Esta dissertação de mestrado tem o propósito de analisar e discutir o papel do vídeo-ativismo e suas conexões em rede, em uma ecologia midiática durante os protestos brasileiros de 2013, tendo como objeto de pesquisa o documentário 20 centavos, do diretor Tiago Tambelli, produzido de forma colaborativa, a partir da criação de um grupo de pessoas no Facebook. O estudo orienta-se a partir dos conceitos de vídeo-ativismo, jornalismo cidadão, movimentos sociais em rede, documentário, e suas inter-relações no contexto contemporâneo das mídias sociais e tecnologias móveis. A metodologia adotada é a análise fílmica, com o estudo dos elementos constitutivos do documentário. A partir dos resultados obtidos, espera-se contribuir para a compreensão do poder da participação cidadã neste novo contexto midiático da web 2.0. / This dissertation aims to analyze and discuss the role of video activism and their network connections, in a media ecology at the brazilian protests of 2013, and as a research subject the documentary 20 cents, director Tiago Tambelli produced collaboratively, from the creation of a group of people on Facebook. The study is guided from the video-activist concepts, citizen journalism, social movements networking, documentary, and their interrelationships in the contemporary context of social media and mobile technologies. The methodology used is the film analysis, to the study of the elements of the documentary. From the results obtained, it is expected to contribute to the understanding of the power of citizen participation in this new media context of web 2.0.

abstract: Sociopolitical involvement has been previously shown to be associated with experiences of discrimination. Lesbian, gay, and bisexual (LGB) racial/ethnic minorities have faced multiple levels of discrimination from the mainstream community, racial/ethnic minority communities, and LGB communities. However, not many studies have investigated the association between intersectional forms of discrimination and sociopolitical involvement. The present study examines differences in perceptions of racism in the LGB community, sociopolitical involvement in racial/ethnic communities, and sociopolitical involvement in LGB communities among LGB racial/ethnic minorities (N = 203, MAge = 27.25). The sample included 107 (52.7%) men and 96 (47.3%) women; 41 (20.2%) lesbians, 89 (43.8%) gay men, and 73 (36.0%) bisexuals; 47 (23.2%) African Americans, 50 (24.6%) Asian Americans, 64 (31.5%) Latinos/as, and 42 (20.7%) from another race/ethnicity or mixed race. This study also looks at the association between perceptions of racism in the LGB community and sociopolitical involvement in racial/ethnic communities and/or LGB communities. Asian American participants reported perceiving higher levels of racism in the LGB community than Latino/a participants. No other differences in perceptions of racism in the LGB community were found between sexual orientation or by racial/ethnic group. No differences between racial/ethnic group or sexual orientations were found in sociopolitical involvement in racial/ethnic or LGB communities. When controlling for sexual orientation, gender, and race/ethnicity, perceptions of racism in the LGB community predicted sociopolitical involvement in racial/ethnic and LGB communities. By exploring correlates of discrimination from an intersectional perspective, this study provides a better understanding of the experiences of LGB racial/ethnic minorities. / Dissertation/Thesis / Masters Thesis Counseling Psychology 2016

abstract: During the politically charged period between the 1950s and 1970s in the United States, Nancy Newhall emerged as an important advocate for open space. She began traveling to the West which encouraged her dedication to land preservation and invigorated her enthusiasm for photography. Newhall was already a respected curator and author addressing the communicative roles of photographs. After spearheading groundbreaking museum retrospectives of contemporary photographers she expanded her artistic vison to include conservation activism. The notable photographers, scholars, writers, and politicians with whom she collaborated often overshadowed her contributions, and they have been under celebrated until recently. My project studies her efforts on a quintessential Sierra Club publication from 1960. While considering her book titled This Is The American Earth I was led to insightful explorations of her unique approach to contextualizing photographs. My investigations revealed the impact that the work of Nancy Newhall had on land preservation, alongside her prolonged influence on the acceptance of photography as fine art and a resilient device of communication. In This Is The American Earth her calculated, inspired approach, attaching text to photos conveyed stirring messages to readers and forwarded an innovative use of a genre that the Sierra Club willingly embraced. Working with its president and Ansel Adams, she edited, wrote, and published several popular illustrated volumes which brought an interpretation of open space into American living rooms. Her efforts produced iconic picture books that remain memorable examples of the mid-20th century conservation movement. / Dissertation/Thesis / Masters Thesis Art History 2016