The Swedish Defence bill of 2015 demonstrated a rapid change in policy objectives, consequently moving away from an expeditionary force and converging into a territorial defence force. Previous research has attributed and explained the quick shift to the geostrategic unbalance that followed after the illegal annexation of Crimea in 2014. Yet, major policy changes are often years in the making, indicating that there must be additional explanations to the rapid shift. By applying a modified version of John Kingdon’s (2011) Multiple Streams Framework on the case of Sweden changing its security and defence policy, this thesis examines the policy process that preceded the official policy decision. The thesis provides further explanation to why the rapid policy change occurred by utilising qualitative content analysis. The analysis shows that the new policy was adopted due to several factors: one being the attention brought to several problems pertaining to the previous policy, another one was found in the timing between focusing events and the on-going work process of the Swedish defence commission, and lastly, strong actors within the policy field were in favour of a change in policy. The thesis concludes that the presence of several factors within the processes of politics, policy and problems enabled the rapid policy change.

(in English): This work deals with the representation of the SDG in political party programs for elections to the Chamber of Deputies of the Czech Republic in 2013 and 2017. Specifically, the parties are ANO, Civic Democratic Party, Pirate Party, Communist Party of Bohemia and Moravia and Czech Social Democratic Party. In the theoretical part, through the Agenda theory, was discussed the process of forming a political agenda at national and international level. Furthermore, the concept of sustainable development is explained, including the development it has undergone historically. Then the position of electoral programs in political discourse is described. After description of the method, ie the content analysis of election programmes follows by the chapter dedicated to the analysis, where are some of the partial decisions and results explained. In the penultimate chapter, the main findings on the occurence of topics contained in SDGs are interpreted and in conclussion there is discussion going on in which are results confronted with other researches engaged in sub topics of the analysis. The work is concluded by recommendations for further research and the limits of this work.

Uppsatsen syftar till att med den så kallade dagordningsmodellen inom ramen för beslutsteori förstå varför det nätverksbaserade försvaret, NBF, aldrig realiserades. Uppsatsen visar hur konceptet Revolution in Military Affairs, RMA, under namnet NBF blev en central del av ominriktningen, dvs. reformarbetet i Försvarsmakten kring millennieskiftet och fanns med i försvarsbesluten 2001 och 2004 men ändå försvann det före 10-talets början. NBF som var ett modernt nationellt försvarskoncept trängdes ut helt av ett antal faktorer: den rådande tidsandan som präglades av en vision om evig fred, interna stridigheter i försvarssektorn, Sveriges ambition att bli en ledande nation i den europeiska utrikes- och säkerhetspolitiken genom att leda en EU-stridsgrupp och minskade ekonomiska ramar. Sammanfattningsvis var RMA idén som ominriktningen inledningsvis skulle bygga på. Samtidigt introducerades begreppet insatsförsvar som ett övergripande koncept för försvaret. RMA fick så småningom namnet NBF varefter dess popularitet minskade och konceptet ersattes av EU-stridsgruppskonceptet. I uppsatsen aktualiseras den klassiska relationen mellan aktör och struktur. Agerandet från ÖB Owe Wiktorin och generalen Johan Kihl kan i förstone uppfattas som det mest avgörande för händelseutvecklingen, men i det långa loppet var Försvarsmaktens strukturer med dess urgamla försvarsgrensorganisering sannolikt minst lika avgörande.

The diploma thesis deals with intermedia relations and agenda-setting in the case of the purchase of one-crown bonds of the company Agrofert by its owner Andrej Babiš. The news story took place in the first half of 2017 and its research was ended on the date of filing of a motion to remove Andrej Babiš from the position of Minister of Finance in the then government of Bohuslav Sobotka. The subject of quantitative analysis of media content is the determination of the influence in intermedia relations, the development of the story coverage over time and the degree of use of links to social networks in news articles. The case study then uses the grounded theory method to identify the variables that represented the media inputs, political context, and political outputs that occurred during the development of the story, and also to look for relationships between the phenomena observed. The work is based on the theory of agenda-setting and a model of contingency of the mass media's political agenda-setting power. The thesis is divided into four parts. The first chapter contains a summary of theoretical concepts and results of empirical studies related to the media agenda building and agenda- setting and the relationship between the media and political agenda. The second chapter focuses on the research...

For the first time in almost 80 years, a war has broken out in Europe. On February 24 2022 Russia invaded Ukraine. Even though this in fact is the first big scale war in Europe since the Second World War ended in 1945, Europe has been part of the consequences of war on a more common occasion.  Immigration has, in some regard, been the number one topic of the debate in both Swedish politics and media since the big refugee flows from the Syrian war started reaching Europe. It has been a heated debate. Some say that the media is framing the debate in favor of Ukrainian refugees and that the journalists in the Swedish news industry are affecting the audience to a more welcoming attitude towards Ukrainians than Syrians, through the narrative the media has created.   This study aimed to understand which narrative was used in Dagens Nyeter to describe the people fleeing each war. Our research material about Syrians consisted of articles published in Dagens Nyheter between September 2nd and October 2nd 2015 and articles about Ukrainians published between February 24th and March 24th 2022. Through agenda-setting theory, framing theory and news evaluation theory this study clarified what described the two wars and in which way the audience later got to experience and evaluate the news.  The result confirmed our original hypothesis. People fleeing the war in Ukraine are described with personalized and humbling circumstances, such as pregnant women and children. In contrast, people fleeing Syria were described as refugees and migrants, which on one hand is accurate, but doesn't affect the audience in the same way as more personalized descriptions. Moreover, the results in combination with earlier studies, show that the portraying that takes place in the media does affect how the audience later tends to create their perception of reality.

Background: Performance based financing was introduced to Kilifi county actors in Kenya in 2015. Kilifi was identified by the Kenyan national government as one of the 20 arid and semi-arid counties (out of 47 counties) mandated to start the implementation of the scheme and potentially inform the development of a nation-wide PBF policy. This study investigates how political and bureaucratic actors at the local level in Kilifi county have subsequently influenced the extent to which PBF has been politically prioritised at the sub-national level. Methods: The study employed a single-case study design. The Shiffman and Smith (2007) political priority setting framework with adaptations proposed by Walt and Gilson (2014) was used. Data was collected through document review (n=19) and in-depth interviews (n=8). Framework analysis was used to analyse data and generate findings. Results: Throughout the study period (2015-2018), national policy elites gave sustained attention to PBF as a priority issue for implementation, this sustained attention was however not present at the sub national level in Kilifi county and funding for PBF was not prioritised post donor funding. Key factors that contributed to this in Kilifi county included: redistribution of power from national actors to sub-national actors following devolution, this affected the national Ministry of Health's ability to lead and be an effective guiding organisation; misalignment between the globally advocated idea of ‘pay for performance' and the local pre-existing centralised and rigid approaches to public financial management; and actors at the sub national level who contested the PBF intervention design features and its framing as ‘additional funding'. As a consequence, the implementation of PBF in Kilifi was for a short time only using donor resources and did not last beyond donor timelines and funding. Conclusion: This research shows that for health reforms to gain political priority in highly devolved contexts, there is need to recognise the formal and informal institutions existing at the devolved level of governance and for adequate early involvement and leadership from sub-national bureaucratic and political actors, in health and beyond the health sector. In addition, advocacy for the health reforms should embody frames that align with the political context to increase the chances of gaining political traction. Finally, the political context including political and bureaucratic power at different levels of government are crucial features that will also influence the acceptability of reform and ultimately political prioritisation.

Denna studie undersöker i vilka sammanhang och på vilka sätt Dagens Nyheter och Svenska Dagbladet framställt personer med autismspektrumtillstånd. Studien innehåller en kvantitativ innehållsanalys som undersökt artiklar (n = 240) gällande hur nyhetsrapporteringen av personer med autism framställts och porträtterats mellan år 2013 då diagnosen autism blev ett gemensamt begrepp med förkortningen AST, innehållande autism, Aspergers syndrom och atypisk autism, till år 2020. Den teoretiska ramen är byggd efter gestaltningsteorin och dagordningsteorin. Den kvantitativa innehållsanalysen visar att personer, till största delen barn och ungdomar med autism, i övervägande grad framställs som offer som sällan själva får komma till tals. Resultaten visar även att majoriteten av artiklarna är känslomässiga med individen i fokus och det individualistiska som lösningen, ofta är det personens problem som ligger till grund för artikeln.

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In the aftermath of the conflict between motorcycle clubs Hells Angels and Bandidos in the 90´s, with shootings that resulted in many casulties it seems that they have been silent since then. When a new conflict between gangs from the suburbs emerge it seems that they had taken the place of the motorcycle clubs in news media as the worst criminals in Sweden. The fact that motorcycle clubs are larger in number and tend to more criminal activities than the suburban networks, this study aims to make a greater understanding of how the two types of gangs are constructed and their representation in news media in the year of 2019.  Studies shows that suburban gangs sprout from especially vulnarble areas, that have low income and are the most immigrant-dense areas in Sweden. On the opposit side of suburban gangs, the motorcycle clubs show more of swedish-born members. It is interesting to see what type of representation the two different gangs get in news media. And how the representation and the construction differs depending on which gang that is described.  To go deeper in the analysis we used a critical discourse analysis (CDA) as a tool to answer our aim of this studie. The result was not surprising as the suburban gangs were constructed more often as the Other and seen as a problem caused by the immigration wave of 2015. The motorcycle club members was constructed more as individuals caught in the moment and triggered for some reason on a personal level. Motorcycle clubs were also constructed as a brotherhood where you could find comradeship and a sense of family.

This study focuses on Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, the U.S. Representative for New York's 14th Congressional District, and how news media portray her based on her gender, age, and ethnicity, which still play essential roles in the political system in the United States. The analysis of previous academic research, newspaper articles from the New York Times and the Washington Post (June 1, 2018 to June 30, 2019) and framing and feminist theories are used to evaluate coverage of Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez. The newspaper stories are examined based on the framing of traits including being the youngest woman ever elected to Congress, being Latina, and being one the most progressive politicians in the Congress. The main objective of this study is to shed light on a topic that at this moment in time is more relevant than ever because the 116th Congress has the highest number of women and women of color in U.S. history. I examine media coverage that Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez receives for stereotypical frames, so that, overall, all women running or holding public office may receive unbiased and more balanced media coverage. This study also intends to hold media outlets accountable for the way they portray different candidates because it has a significant influence on the voting population.