"Children's participation in armed conflict is one of the worst [forms] of child labour and a violation in itself. It is an extensive violation of international humanitarian and human rights law. There is increasing awareness about the variety of roles played by girls in fighting forces. They are abducted and forced to be sexual slaves, cooks, [to] clean, act as porters, loot, and [be] 'wives' to combatants. Notwithstanding, Veale observes that there are still a few gender-based issues of the differential experiences of male and female children who have been involved in military units. Although they play all these roles, they have received scanty attention during the reintegration process as opposed to male child soldiers. Mckay and her colleagues argue that [the] majority of reports, internaitonal campaigns, and initiatives continue to use the generic term 'child soldiers' which most often mean 'boys'. They do not identify differential impacts for boys and girls before, during or after armed conflicts. Mazurana found in another study that between 1990 and 2000, underaged girls participated in armed conflicts in a minimum of 32 countries as child soldeirs or military support forces. ... Northern Uganda qualifies [as] a case study because it has been in conflict between 1996 [and] 2006. It is estimated that there are 70 to 80 percent of child combatants with girls making up 30 percent. Disarmament and demobilisation is carried out by Uganda's People Defence Force (UPDF) working together with some United Nations (UN) humanitarian bodies, then NGOs and community leaders in turn work on the reintegration of the returnees. However, the reintegration process in Uganda is a-typical when compared to that of Sierra Leone, and most often does not take into consideration the special needs of female child soldiers. ... My focus will therefore be on Northern Uganda, but reference will be made to Sierra Leone as precedent where the context permits. This will be relevant for any reintegration procudure that Uganda adopts after the war. ... Chapter one: introduction and background. Chapter two: investigating the recruitment and impact of conflict on child soldiers in general and female child soldiers in particular. This chapter will be divided into two parts. Part one sets the stage by giving a brief account of the conflict in Northern Uganda and Sierra Leone. Part two identifies the significant environmental factors, but not sufficient conditions that cause children in general, and girls in particular, to join armed groups and the impact it has on female child soldiers. Chapter three: legal guarantee of the right to reintegration - by provision and implication. This chapter outlines and analyses treaties that have influenced and circumscribed the policies and practices for the reintegration of female child soldiers. It also looks at those that provide for reintegration by implication. This chapter will also examine the rights-based approach as base for reintegration processes. Case law will be included. Chapter four: comprehensive analysis of effective socio-economic reintegration of female child soldiers. This chapter will examine the factors that influence successful reintegration. It will portray the half-baked approach of reintegration that is obvious in the case study. The role of international agencies, NGOs, civil society and other actors will be discussed as a platform for successful reintegration. Furthermore, some decisions at the Special Court of Sierra Leone (SCSL) will be discussed. Chapter five: conclusion and recommendations." -- Introduction. / Thesis (LLM (Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa)) -- University of Pretoria, 2006. / Prepared under the supervision of Mr. Angelo Matusse at the Faculdade de Direito, Universidade Eduardo Mondlane, Mozambique / http://www.chr.up.ac.za/academic_pro/llm1/dissertations.html / Centre for Human Rights / LLM

"In response to President Kabah's request of June 2000, the United Nations Security Council called on the Secretary-General to negotiate an agreement with the government of Sierra Leone for the creation of a special court for Sierra Leone (hereafter SCSL), to investigate the atrocities committed within the country, by Resolution 1315 of 14 August 2000. Under the agreement concluded in February 2001, the SCSL has jurisdiction over crimes against humanity, war crimes and other serious violations of international humanitarian law committed since November 1996. The author assesses in detail the efficacy of the SCSL in dispensing justice up to date. The author concludes that, although the SCSL has accomplished much, it has shortcomings and faces changes that hamper the attainment of its objectives. ... This study is divided into five chapters. Chapter one provides the context in which the study is set, the focus and objectives of the study, its significance and other preliminary issues, including a statement of the problem and the literature review. Analysis of the conflict in Sierra Leone are necessary to grasp the graveness and the nature of the human rights violations and to understand the nature and extent of justice already meted out. Chapter two focuses particularly on the historical background of the conflict and the reasons that necessitate the establishment of the SCSL. The SCSL was established specifically to respond to human rights abuses committed during the civil war in Sierra Leone. Chapter three examines the major achievements of the Court in dispensing justice, and chapter four identifies the shortcomings and the challenges that confront the Court in its aim to fulfil its mandate." -- Chapter one. / Thesis (LLM (Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa)) -- University of Pretoria, 2006. / Prepared under the supervision of Professor Lovell Fernandez, Faculty of Law, University of the Western Cape / http://www.chr.up.ac.za/academic_pro/llm1/dissertations.html / Centre for Human Rights / LLM

Twenty years has passed since the adopted of the United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325, which aims to strengthen the gender perspective in conflict settings as well as address inequalities related to sexually gender-based violence. Still, the concrete impact it has had on sexual violence in armed conflict, is questioned. Additionally, it is questioned if it reaches the grassroot level in armed conflict settings. Thus, this study has examined what factors that may have hindered a successful implementation on a grassroot level in the Central African Republic, the Democratic Republic of Congo and Uganda. Furthermore, it has examined the concrete impact on the efforts against sexual violence in these areas. This was done by firstly, conducting a policy analysis using the “What’s the Problem Represented to be?” approach to identify underlying problematics within the resolution. Additionally, semi-structed interviews were conducted with respondents having experience in working with the resolution and/or sexual violence in armed conflict. The results showed, among other things, that the complex construction of the resolution have been a hindering factor for a successful implementation. Additionally, the concrete change for the efforts against sexual violence in conflict settings is lacking. However, the empowerment that the resolution has provided to those working with these issues, is still an important impact.

Angesichts der Gefahr für Kulturgüter, die sich gerade in jüngeren Konflikten wie beispielsweise dem Mali-Konflikt zeigen, untersucht das Paper die Rolle, die der Sicherheitsrat seit 1990 beim Schutz von Kulturgütern in bewaffneten Konflikten einnimmt. Anhand einer Wortlautanalyse der Resolutionen des Sicherheitsrates und einer Analyse der beschlossenen Maßnahmen wird die Entwicklung aufgezeigt, dass der Sicherheitsrat dem Schutz von Kulturgut in bewaffneten Konflikten eine zunehmend hohe Bedeutung beimisst und sich entsprechend auch verstärkt für dessen Schutz einsetzt. Es wird gezeigt, dass der Sicherheitsrat dazu im Rahmen der UN-Charta grundsätzlich auch kompetent ist und sich der verstärkte Einsatz durch das wachsende Bewusstsein der internationalen Gemeinschaft für die Gefahr für Kulturgüter in bewaffneten Konflikten sowie die generelle Ausweitung des Tätigkeitsbereichs des Sicherheitsrates erklären lässt. Die Entwicklung des Schutzes durch den Sicherheitsrat erscheint daher folgerichtig und wünschenswert und gleichzeitig noch nicht abgeschlossen. / In the light of recent conflicts like the conflict in Mali, which show the risks for cultural property during armed conflicts, the present paper evaluates the role of the Security Council in the protection of cultural property during armed conflicts. Based on an analysis of the wording of resolutions and of the measures adopted by the Security Council, a development will be illustrated: the Security Council attaches greater importance to the protection of cultural property in armed conflict and strengthens its effort for the protection. Furthermore it will be argued that the Security Council is competent in this matter according to the Charter of the United Nations and that its increased efforts can be explained by the growing awareness of the international community about the risks for cultural property during armed conflict and the general increase of the Security Council’s activities. The development of the protection of cultural property provided by the Security Council therefore seems reasonable and not yet completed.

The thesis deals with the question, in which situation the International Criminal court would probably open an Investigation of such crimes by an international body is a delicate question mainly with regard to a great extend of intervention into a state sovereignty, which manifests itself also as jurisdictional sovereignty. The thesis focuses on the case of Kenyan post-election violence in years of 2007 and 2008 and the aim to suppress Libyan revolution of 2011. Besides, the work is based upon the theory of (liberal) institutionalism, which could hopefully be applied to the international-law case of investigation of the crimes committed outside an armed conflict. Within the framework of the thesis I try to reveal criteria determining whether the International Criminal court opens or not an investigation to a situation of human rights abuse. For the purpose I take into consideration world and local country status, character of the perpetrators, extend of the attacks, country's relation to the great powers, as well as readiness of the country to prosecute the perpetrators within the national jurisdiction. As conclusion I try t compare the findings from the part applying liberal institutionalism and from the case studies.

The aim of this thesis was to investigate whether higher quality troops would perform better in civilian protection within UN-peacekeeping missions. The appropriate method to answer this question was through a Structured Focused Comparison and the most similar system design. The theory suggested that higher quality peacekeepers would be more effective in combating armed groups and directly protecting civilians during civil wars. However, the case comparison did not fully answer the given hypothesis. Instead, it showcased another dilemma that high-quality troops exhibit. These peacekeeping troops seemed reluctant to utilize their high-quality equipment and assets effectively for the mission. Instead, they displayed risk-aversive behaviour and difficulty to cooperate with other troop contributing nations. These findings have important implications for policy making.

Conflict crises have a devastating impact on education. In response, international organisations have increasingly implemented Education in Emergencies (EiE) interventions in seeking to improve the access to education. However, little is known about the impact of these interventions in the context of armed conflict. The literature has mostly focused on the physical barriers that conflict brings to educational access and most of the previous research on the effectiveness of EiE interventions comes from stable low- and middle-income countries. By answering the question ‘How do Education in Emergencies interventions affect the access to education in conflict crises?’, this study seeks to contribute to this understudied field by first discussing the non-physical ‘opportunity costs’ conflict barriers to educational access. Subsequently, this study moves on to demonstrate the significance of particular components that EiE interventions may hold that are able to address these specific conflict barriers. The argument is tested through a qualitative comparative study of two international organisations that implement EiE programmes in Colombia. The empirical findings demonstrate the importance of a variety of different components of EiE interventions in improving access to education in conflict contexts, with indeed many of these addressing ‘opportunity costs’.

While transnational rebellion and rebel recruitment have received much attention in previous literature, the combination of the two, transnational rebel recruitment, has been relatively understudied. This study aims to cover this research gap by further developing Jeremy Weinstein’s theory on resource endowments to test their effect on transnational rebel recruitment. It seeks to answer the research question: “How do resource endowments impact transnational rebel recruitment?”. A distinction will be made between domestic and transnational rebel groups to test the theoretical argument. It will be argued that rebel groups can have a variation in their economic and social endowments, which both have a domestic an transnational variant. The main hypothesis reads: transnational rebel groups that have much transnational resource endowments are more likely to recruit transnationally. This study will employ a structured focused comparison on strategically picked cases using Mill’s method of difference. The selected cases that will be compared are the transnational rebel group NPFL in Liberia (1989-1995) and the domestic rebel group NRA in Uganda (1981-1986). This study finds support for the theory and the main hypothesis.

Esta investigación tiene por objetivo, identificar los elementos de carácter socio cultural que formaron parte del Conflicto Armado Interno (CAI) en el Perú que se logran representar como elementos socioculturales audiovisuales en el Cine Peruano. Especialmente en el caso de los largometrajes: La Boca del Lobo (1988) y Paloma de Papel (2003). El supuesto que se formuló es que el Cine Peruano utiliza el contexto sociocultural del país para la producción de material audiovisual cinematográfico y en este caso se analizó desde la situación de Conflicto Armado Interno en el Perú, considerando dos largometrajes: La boca del Lobo, estrenada en el año 1988 dirigida por Francisco Lombardi y Paloma de Papel de Fabrizio Aguilar, estrenada en el año 2003. En el transcurso del trabajo de investigación se analiza cómo lo ocurrido en el año 1980 al año 2000 en el Perú marcó un hito en la historia del país, así como en la sociedad, que vivió dichos sucesos, sembrando zozobra, miedo y terror en ellos, incluso lo que también afectó y se vio reflejado en las producciones audiovisuales nacionales. En el trabajo de campo se analizó cómo este tipo de largometrajes hacen uso de elementos del contexto sociocultural de la época; como lo es el Conflicto Armado Interno, recreando la realidad de esa época histórica, en algunos productos audiovisuales nacionales como los largometrajes. Por tanto, a lo largo de estas páginas se evidenciará cómo el cine peruano si hace uso del contexto sociocultural en sus historias y lo replica a través de elementos socioculturales audiovisuales, centrándose en el caso de las películas propuestas: La boca del Lobo y Paloma de Papel. / The purpose of this research is to identify the elements of a socio-cultural nature that were part of the internal armed struggle in Peru, that are evidenced in sociocultural audiovisual elements in the Peruvian Cinema, especially in the cases of the feature films: La Boca del Lobo (1988) and Paloma de Papel (2003). The assumptions that were formulated is that the Peruvian Cinema uses the sociocultural context of the country for the production of cinematographic audiovisual material and this case was analyzed from the situation of the Internal Armed conflict in Peru, considering two feature films: La Boca del Lobo, released in in 1988 directed by Francisco Lombardi and Paloma de Papel by Fabrizio Aguilar, released in 2003. In the course of the research work, it is analyzed, how what happened in the year 1980 and 2000 in Peru marked a milestone in the history of the country, as well as in the society that lived through these events, sowing anxiety, fear and terror in them, even reducing audience attendance at the cinema. In the field work, it was analyzed, how this type of feature films makes use of elements from the sociocultural context of the time; as is the internal armed conflict, recreating the reality of that historical period, in some national audiovisual products such as feature films. Therefore, throughout these pages it will be evident how Peruvian cinema does make use of the sociocultural context in its stories and more in the case of the proposed films: La Boca del Lobo and Paloma de Papel. / Tesis

In the performance of law enforcement tasks, military forces frequently use expanding bullets. Such bullets are prohibited in international armed conflicts (IAC:s) by treaty, but in non-international armed conflicts (NIAC:s), the matter is regulated by the principle prohibiting means and methods of a nature to cause superfluous injury or unnecessary suffering (SIrUS), and possibly by an independent rule of customary international humanitarian law. This essay looks first to a proposed solution in which the law enforcement legal paradigm takes precedence, and finds such a solution incomplete and its application limited. It proceeds to look at the prohibition of expanding bullets in NIAC:s as an independent rule,exploring the formation of customary law, the evidence value of military manuals, expanding bullets as a war crime, and the ICTY Tadíc ruling. It finds the evidence of the existence of such a rule unconvincing. It then looks to principle of SIrUS and explores the best approaches for its interpretation and application. Ultimately, it argues that the military utility, in the form of stopping power and decreased risk of collateral injury, provided by expanding bullets is of such a scale and nature that the use of such bullets could reasonably be argued to pass the assessment as required by the principle. In light of this, the essay emphasises the need for treaty-based rules in order create effective weapons prohibitions, and that armed forces are still obliged to properly assess which set of rules govern the use of force.