The objective of this study is to examine the role of the political élite in the analysis of the causes of conflicts and insecurity as well as the determination of threats to national security in the Third World with particular reference to West Africa using Côte d’Ivoire as a case study. To achieve this aim, the study employed a conceptual framework of national security that highlighted the concept of security and the distinction between the traditional notions and widening views of security as manifested in the post-Cold War approaches to the subject. The differences between the various levels of security, namely national security and state and regime security were examined. A distinction was made between minimal and maximal states on the one hand, and strong and weak states on the other which enabled the application of the concepts to Third World countries, including Africa. The concept of threats and vulnerabilities and how subjective elements of threat assessment blurred the difference between national security and regime security, were also analyzed including the causes of armed conflicts in developing countries and in Africa specifically. Based on these concepts, the study analyzed the political, socio-economic and security conditions of the Ivory Coast in the period before and during French rule, including the post-independence era. The aim of the historical analysis was to highlight the critical role played by the élite in the identification of threats to national security. This role invariably identified with the protection of élite interest or regime security and often reflected a subjective view of threats to security, the management of which created high levels of insecurity leading to the armed conflict in Côte d’Ivoire in 2002. The study established that the preservation of élite interests and power is the root cause of conflicts in Africa and West Africa. Subsequently, élite cohesion becomes critical to the security of the state as élite disunity leads to manipulation of objective threats or risks that generates insecurity that not only transcends borders, but also creates a security dilemma for states as well as conditions for irredentism. / Dissertation (MSecurity Studies)--University of Pretoria, 2010. / Political Sciences / unrestricted

The interest in studying the effects of armed conflict and LGBTs have increased significantly in the last decade. Mainly due to the international recognition and increased reporting of violations against said group. Moreover, previous studies have mainly been within-case studies focusing on the state or rebel groups as the main perpetrators. This paper moves beyond these and explore why LGBTs are targeted to different extents across conflicts. Thus, the paper asks the following research question: "Why is the LGBT community more vulnerable in some armed conflicts than in others?". The paper argues that armed conflict duration fuels militarisation, which increases honour ideology over time. The process results in the polarisation of masculine and feminine ideals. Finally, as LGBTs inherently challenge the gender system, they are targeted by both civilians and the state. Hence, the hypothesis is, “The longer an armed conflict continues, the more vulnerable the LGBT community becomes.”. The paper uses structured focused comparison and data from 63 reports to conduct three within-case analyses and a cross-case comparison to answer the above question. The results and analyses indicate preliminary support for the hypothesis.

La violence en temps de guerre prend parfois des formes extrêmes. Non seulement les belligé-rants tuent fréquemment un grand nombre de civils, mais leurs atrocités vont parfois au-delà du seul meurtre pour inclure des actes de cruauté tels que la mutilation, le viol, la torture publique ou encore les abus des corps humains. Si des cas individuels de ce type de violence se produisent probablement dans presque tous les conflits et peuvent s’expliquer par la psychopathie, le sa-disme, ou un processus de « barbarisation » inhérent à la guerre, ni la psychologie individuelle ni les conditions propres à la lutte armée ne peuvent expliquer pourquoi l’ampleur de ce type d’actes spécifiques varie d’une organisation sociale à une autre. Dans certains groupes armés, les atrocités extrêmes demeurent des cas isolés. Dans d’autres, cependant, nombre de combattants font de telles pratiques une part intégrante de leur « répertoire de violence ». Comment expliquer cette variation ? Dans cette thèse, je propose une série d’arguments théoriques permettant d’expliquer, au moins en partie, pourquoi la violence en temps de guerre prend parfois la forme d’atrocités extrêmes. Je définis les « atrocités extrêmes » comme des actes de violence caractérisés par une cruauté manifeste et publique. Je soutiens que ces types d’actes émergent souvent dans un contexte de guerre irrégulière ; des conflits caractérisés par une impor-tante asymétrie des capacités militaires, l’utilisation de tactique de guérilla, et, par voie de consé-quence, un contrôle territorial hautement fragmenté. Dans ce contexte, je montre que les atrocités extrêmes découlent souvent de deux proces-sus alternatifs. Le premier processus implique un modèle de prise de décision « du haut vers le bas, » via lequel des dirigeants organisationnels adoptent des tactiques centrées sur la violence extrême à des fins stratégiques. L’objectif premier est souvent de dissuader les civils de collabo-rer avec l’ennemi dans les territoires contestés. Le deuxième processus implique l’émergence d’atrocités extrêmes en tant que « pratique de guerre ». Ici, les techniques de cruauté émergent au niveau des unités militaires, sans découler d’ordres venus d’en haut. Je soutiens qu’une telle émergence est plus probable dans les unités militaires présentant tant un niveau élevé de cohésion sociale qu’une faible discipline. Dans des conditions de guerre irrégulière, ces unités peuvent dé-velopper des normes informelles légitimant la violence extrême comme moyen de venger les pertes au combat. Ces arguments sont développés et testés dans ma thèse à l’aide d’une variété de matériaux empiriques disséminés dans trois articles qui ont été ou seront bientôt soumis pour publication. Le premier article (chapitre 2) définit le concept d’atrocité extrême et utilise des données venant de quatre guerres civiles pour vérifier la plausibilité d’une série d’explications tirées de la littérature sur la violence envers les civils. Le deuxième article (chapitre 3) analyse l’utilisation des décapita-tions par les groupes djihadistes. Je montre que seule une minorité de ces groupes utilise ce type de violence de manière récurrente et que la variation peut être expliquée par le contexte straté-gique dans lequel les organisations mènent leurs opérations et par la nature de leurs liens transna-tionaux. Le troisième article (chapitre 4) se concentre sur l’émergence des atrocités extrêmes en tant que « pratique » au sein des forces de sécurité étatiques, en utilisant l’exemple des mutila-tions commises par les soldats américains au cours de la guerre du Vietnam. Ce cas démontre spécifiquement comment les atrocités extrêmes peuvent se généraliser malgré leur interdiction au niveau du commandement. Enfin, le chapitre 5 montre que les idées théoriques développées dans mes articles ont une application plus large, en utilisant une base de données originale sur les atro-cités extrêmes perpétrées dans les guerres civiles entre 1980 et 2011. / Wartime violence sometimes takes particularly extreme forms. Not only do belligerents frequent-ly kill large numbers of civilians, but violent atrocities sometimes go beyond killing to include acts of overt cruelty such as mutilation, rape, public torture, and the abuse of human remains. While individual instances of such violence likely occur in almost all wars, and might be ex-plained by a certain prevalence of psychopathy or sadism among combatants, or by a process of “barbarization” inherent in war, neither individual psychology nor universal wartime conditions can explain why armed actors seem to vary in the extent to which they perpetrate such violence. In some armed groups, episodes of extreme atrocity remain isolated cases. In others, in contrast, large numbers of combatants appear to adopt such practices as an established part of their “reper-toire of violence.” What explains such variation? In this dissertation, I develop and test a series of explana-tions that help account for variation in the occurrence of “extreme atrocities” within and across conflicts. I define extreme atrocities as acts of physical violence characterized by the public dis-play of overt cruelty, and argue that the occurrence of such violence is closely connected to the context of irregular warfare, that is, of warfare characterized by pronounced asymmetry in mili-tary capabilities and fragmented territorial control. Within this context, I show that there are two common pathways towards extreme atrocity. The first involves a process of “top down” decision making, whereby organizational leaders adopt extreme forms of violence for strategic ends. Among the most important of these is the imperative to deter civilian collaboration with the ene-my in contested territories. Because of the terror they inspire, extreme atrocities can usefully serve this purpose, at least under certain conditions. A second pathway involves the “bottom up” emergence of extreme atrocities among rank-and-file combatants as an unordered “practice of war.” Such emergence, I argue, is more likely in military units with high levels of social cohesion but low levels of discipline. Under conditions of irregular warfare, such units can develop infor-mal norms that endorse extreme violence as a means of avenging combat losses. These arguments are developed and tested in my dissertation using a variety of different empirical material, most of which is presented in three articles that have been or are soon to be submitted for publication. The first article (Chapter 2) defines the concept of “extreme atrocity” and uses violence data from four civil wars to probe the plausibility of a series of explanations of such violence derived from the literature on civilian victimization. The second article (Chapter 3) further develops the idea that irregular warfare creates strategic incentives for the top-down adoption of extreme violence, focusing specifically on the use beheadings by jihadist groups. I show that variation in the use of beheadings among jihadist groups can be explained by a combi-nation of local strategic context and transnational ties. The third article (Chapter 4) focuses on the emergence of extreme atrocity as a “practice” among state security forces, using the example of mutilations perpetrated by American soldiers during the Vietnam war to show how extreme forms of violence can become widespread despite being unambiguously prohibited by military policy. Finally, Chapter 5 shows that the theoretical ideas developed in my articles have broader application. Using original data on extreme atrocities perpetrated in civil wars between 1980 and 2011, I show that the patterns in perpetration of such violence by state security forces and rebel groups are consistent with the theories of top-down adoption and bottom-up emergence of ex-treme atrocity described above. This thesis contributes to our understanding of wartime violence by explicitly theorizing a hitherto neglected dimension of violence, and developing and testing explanations that can ac-count for variation in its occurrence at multiple different levels.

本論文は全ての形態の武力紛争における海上経済戦についての国際法による規律を取り扱う。国際的武力紛争において、海上経済戦は慣習海上経済戦規則に基づく交戦国の一方的行為として、第三国船舶に対する干渉が許容される。他方で、慣習海上経済戦規則はその性質及び慣行から非国際的武力紛争には適用できない。従って、非国際的武力紛争における海上経済戦を既存の法的枠組みにおいて正当化できない。 / This thesis deals with the rule of maritime economic warfare by international law in all forms of armed conflict. In international armed conflict, maritime economic warfare is authorized by customary rule of maritime economic warfare as a unilateral act by belligerent state. On the other hand, customary rule of maritime economic warfare cannot apply to non-international armed conflict because of its nature and practice. Consequently, maritime economic warfare in non-international armed conflict does not justify under the existing legal framework. / 博士(法学) / Doctor of Laws / 同志社大学 / Doshisha University

No description available.

While there exists in the literature on refugees’ rights a broad consensus on the existence of an overlapping and common ground between IHRL and IRL, gaps continue to exist in state implementation of these two legal systems. Concepts of sovereignty and border control continue to take predominance when refugees are the rights-bearers, and this tendency is more pronounced in the event of complementary protection. This thesis investigated the recent creation of a temporary protection status in the Danish Aliens Act by legal method and political case study to understand the interrelation of these systems, as manifested by the ECHR and the Refugee Convention. The legal analysis revealed the amendments’ misinterpretation of the principle of good faith of treaty interpretation. The political reasoning behind the amendment was used to shed light on domestic alignment with international law, in order to clarify the political and moral function of human rights. It was suggested that the main challenge to such misinterpretations remains the separation of human rights with its inherent moral purpose.

The main purpose of this work is to investigate if the US ́s killing of Osama bin Laden on 2 May 2011 in Abbottabad in Pakistan was lawful. The background to the killing is what happened on 11 September 2001 when four US airplanes were hijacked and crashed into World Trade Center and Pentagon. Al Qaeda, a terrorist organisation led by Osama bin Laden, was immediately suspected for the attacks, which led to the starting point of the US ́s ‘global war on terror’. This work tries to give a short brief on ‘global war on terror’ and answer if there is a global war on terror and/or if a new category of war is needed. In order to get an answer to the main question of this work I had to investigate if US is in an international armed conflict or in a non-international armed conflict with Al Qaida. Another important question to investigate is if an armed conflict in one State can spill over to another State and still be consider as an armed conflict. Other important questions to answer are, if Osama bin Laden was a legitimate target under international humanitarian law, if he was a civilian or if he had a continuous combat function and what level of participation in hostilities he had? Not less important is also to investigate if human rights law is applicable when Osama bin Laden was killed, especially the fundamental right to life. Lastly I end my investigation with a quick review of the laws of jus ad bellum in order to get an answer if US had a right to resort to force in Pakistan. My conclusion is that the US was not involved in an armed conflict with al Qaeda in Pakistan where the killing took place. The conflict between the US and al Qaeda in Afghanistan is to be categorised as a non-international conflict. This conflict cannot be described as a conflict that has spilled over to Abbottabad where Osama bin Laden was killed. All people, including Osama bin Laden, has a right to life. Because of lack of information on what happened in Abbottabad when Osama bin Laden was killed it is impossible to give a clear legal answer if the US had the right to kill him. It could be lawful, but it could also be considered as a crime against international human rights law.

Normatively, protecting civilians from the conduct of hostilities is grounded in the Geneva Conventions and the UN Security Council protection of civilian agenda, both of which celebrate their 70 and 20 year anniversaries in 2019. Previous research focusses heavily on protection of civilians through peacekeeping whereas this research focuses on ‘non-armed’ approaches to enhancing civilian protection in conflict. Prior research and experience reveals a high level of missingness and variation in the level of available data on civilian harm in conflict. Where civilian harm is considered in the peace and conflict literature, it is predominantly from a securitized lens of understanding insurgent recruitment strategies and more recent counter-insurgent strategies aimed at winning ‘hearts and minds’. Through a structured focused comparison of four case studies the correlation between the level of quality, timely and consistent data on civilian harm and affect on the conduct of hostilities will be reviewed and potential confounders identified. Following this the hypothesized causal mechanism will be process traced through the pathway case of Afghanistan. The findings and analysis from both methods identify support for the theory and it’s refinement with important nuances in the factors conducive to quality, timely and consistent data collection on civilian harm in armed conflict.

O presente trabalho é fruto de uma pesquisa desenvolvida com sujeitos pertencentes a populações oriundas de comunidades rurais de regiões da cordilheira dos Andes que foram atingidas pela violência durante as décadas do conflito armado interno no Peru, de 1984 a 2000. O principal objetivo deste estudo foi analisar as narrativas de vida desses sujeitos, considerando-se a memória como processo de reconstrução, essencial para ressignificar a vida na cidade após esse processo migratório traumático. Nessa análise, tecemos uma discussão acerca dos Direitos Humanos em situações de conflito armado e a condição de deslocados internos em relação aos refugiados. Nossos sujeitos deslocaram-se forçadamente, expulsos do campo rumo à reconstituição da vida em uma região urbana, no terceiro Estado mais pobre do Peru. Esse contexto apresentou problemas em relação ao modo de vida dessas pessoas que viviam imersas em sua cultura andina, em que a adoração à Mãe Terra é o centro das relações comunitárias, até que a experiência de deslocamento forçado os alcançou. Em busca da compreensão da constituição desses sujeitos, esta dissertação se fundamenta principalmente nos conceitos de memória de Halbwachs (2003, 2004) e Bosi (1994, 2003), de experiência de Benjamin (2012) e Larrosa (2002) e de narrativa de vida de Bertaux (2010). Apresentamos uma discussão sobre a memória como resistência e como arma, segundo propõe Schilling (2009). E discorremos sobre a ruralidade, conforme propõe Carneiro (1997), enquanto dimensão que perpassa a identidade de nossos sujeitos. A pesquisa foi realizada em uma abordagem qualitativa e utilizamos, como procedimentos metodológicos, a entrevista de caráter biográfico e a observação de campo. Por ter sido um processo de imersão, pautamo-nos nas entrevistas do tipo etnográfico, conforme considerado por Beaud e Weber (2007), ou seja, entrevistas realizadas no contexto estudado, porque não estão isoladas nem são independentes da situação de pesquisa, já que levam em conta a realidade social a que pertencem esses narradores. Nas análises, buscamos refletir sobre as narrativas de violência, considerando as práticas culturais que caracterizam esse grupo social, e o reconstruir da vida na cidade após o processo migratório, no sentido de entendermos a constituição desses sujeitos na condição de violência e desenraizamento. Escolhemos a violência como núcleo de significação porque são as ações do conflito armado que marcam profundamente esses sujeitos de forma a promover o intenso fluxo de migração forçada da população do campo para a cidade. Procuramos entender de que forma a violência surge nas narrativas de lembranças e marca esses sujeitos, tendo em vista as rupturas com a comunidade de pertencimento e implicações para a vida. E também analisamos as histórias contadas pelos sujeitos, com vistas ao período que antecedeu à migração e ao que se relaciona à reconstrução da vida no contexto urbano, quando eles passam à condição de deslocados internos. Interessou-nos conhecer de que forma a memória colaborou com esse processo de reedificação em relação à cultura como eixo estrutural desses indivíduos. / This work is the result of a research developed with subjects in populations from rural communities in the Andes mountains regions that were affected by violence during the decades of internal armed conflict in Peru, from 1984 to 2000. The aim of this study was to analyse the life narratives of these subjects, by considering memory as a reconstruction process, essential to reframe life in the city after this traumatic and migration process. In this analysis, we have a discussion about human rights in situations of armed conflict and also on the condition of internally displaced persons (IDPs) in relation to refugees. Our subjects were forced to move, expelled from the countryside towards the reconstitution of life in an urban context, the third poorest state of Peru. This context shows problems compared to Andean lifestyle, where the worship of Mother Earth is the center of community relations, until their forced displacement experience reached them. In pursuit of understanding of these subjects structures, this thesis is based mainly on the concepts of memory of Halbwachs (2003, 2004) and Bosi (1994, 2003), experience as conceived by Benjamin (2012) and Larrosa (2002) and life narrative of Bertaux (2010). It also brings a discussion about memory as resistance and as a weapon, as proposed by Schilling (2009) and a discussion about rurality, as proposed by Carneiro (1997), as a dimension that permeates our subjects identities. The research was conducted in a qualitative approach using as methodological procedures biographical interview and field observation. Because it was an immersion process, we rely on ethnographic interviews as considered by Beaud and Weber (2007), i.e. interviews in the research context since they are not isolated nor are independent of the research situation as they consider the social reality to each one of the tellers belongs. In the analyses, we try to reflect about the narratives of violence, considering cultural practices that characterize this social group, and the rebuilding of life in the city after the migration process, in order to understand the constitution of these subjects on conditions of violence and uprooting. We chose violence as a meaning core because these actions of the armed conflict deeply marked these subjects in order to promote the intense flow of forced migration of rural people to the city. We seek to understand how violence emerges in narratives of remembrances and affects these subjects, bearing in mind the disruption with the community of belonging and implications for life. And we analysed the stories told by the subjects, concerning the period previous to the migration and the one related to the reconstruction of life in the urban context, when they their condition became of IDPs. We were interested in knowing how memory collaborated with this process of rebuilding in relation to culture as a structural axis of these individuals

Depuis 1990, l’Afrique de l’ouest connait une phase complexe dans sa sécurisation et dans la lutte contre les conflits armés. Constamment déstabilisés par des tentatives de coups d’Etat militaires, les pays de l’Afrique de l’ouest, notamment la Côte d’Ivoire, le Libéria et la Sierra Léone ont bénéficié d’une aide de la communauté internationale pour le règlement des sources de conflit et le redressement de leurs institutions dans le cadre d’une démocratisation globale des pays africains. Malgré cette ingérence dans les affaires internes des Etats, les stratégies adoptées par organisations internationales pour sortir la sous-région ouest africaine de l’instabilité et l’insécurité continuent de poser problèmes. Les Etats restent encore fragiles. Dans l’aide apportée, les différentes agences spécialisées des Nations unies construisent plutôt un ensemble de réseaux avec les organisations non gouvernementales internationales (ONGI) pour la gestion des conséquences des conflits armés. Ces ONGI, tout en participant à la stratégie globale de sortie de crise renforcent leur position au niveau national tout en s’ouvrant à de nouvelles missions d’assistance. Malgré les différentes dispositions prises par la CEDEAO, l’Organisation de l’Unité africaine et de l’Union africaine pour prévenir les conflits et trouver des mécanismes pour leurs gestions et leur règlement, les pays étudiés ne parviennent pas à consolider durablement la paix. Les Etats membres profitent du chaos généré, luttant plus pour leurs propres intérêts que ceux de la sécurité et le retour à la paix. Face à ce manque de cohérence dans les actions et aux limites des stratégies adoptées jusque-là, la résolution des conflits armés en Afrique de l’ouest continue de suscité interrogations, amenant à proposer une nouvelle approche de la résolution des crises armées en Afrique. Cette thèse vise donc à comprendre les stratégies des organisations internationales, leur efficacité et leur faiblesse dans le retour à la paix et le renforcement des institutions démocratiques. / Since 1990, the West African states face insecurity and the struggle for armed conflict resolution. They are mostly destabilized by military coup. International community support Côte d’Ivoire, Liberia and Sierra Leone in the research of conflict solutions and the building of democratic institutions in the African states. Instead of the interference of the international organization in the African’s internal affairs and the strategies adopted, the insecurity continues to be a real problem for the stability of the sub-region. The states continue to be fragile. According to the assistance of UNO specialized agencies, an international Non-Government Organization (INGO) network is built around the assistance activities, to support the consequences of the armed conflicts. The INGO make the most of the opportunities to reinforce their position in the state and to create others activities to improve their business. Despite all positions of ECOWAS, African unity organization, and African Union to prevent conflicts and to find mechanisms of the management and peaceful solution, the states are not able to build a long term peace. The member states make the most opportunity of the insecurity of the sub region. Theirs strategies are to protect their own interests instead of finding solutions for peace. This behavior and the incoherence in theirs peace-actions continue to be subjects of discussion. This makes think another approach of conflict resolution in Africa. My research is to analyze the strategies of the international organizations, their strength and their weakness in peacekeeping and the capacity-building of African democratic institutions.