The thesis deals with the armed conflict phenomenon of past several years - unmanned aerial vehicles (UAV). Despite the fact that the present deployment of UAVs is often presented as a revolutionary, it is possible to track down the roots of remotely controlled planes without crew on board back to the years short after the Second World War. Today's versions of UAVs represent this historical concept brought to perfection thanks to the modern technologies. Their deployments raise legitimate considerations whether they may represent prohibited mean of warfare in terms of humanitarian law or whether their usage is not in contrary to law of armed conflict. This thesis aims to identify those differences between UAVs and traditional piloted aircrafts that may cause different legal classification of the UAVs to the traditional piloted aircrafts. First chapter includes short historical background which may bring interesting connections with political atmosphere after Second World War. It is also pointed out that the concept of unmanned aircrafts is not new. This chapter also includes technical facts and details about current modern UAVs like Predator, Reaper or Global Hawk which may serve for an easier legal analysis. Second chapter deals with the definitions and differences between two main types of armed...

- SEXUAL VIOLENCE IN ARMED CONFLICT - THE ROLE OF THE INTERNATIONAL CRIMINAL COURTS The purpose of this thesis is to describe the phenomenon of sexual violence against women in armed conflicts and to describe the influence of the international criminal courts in understanding of this phenomenon. Sexual violence appears in almost every armed conflict. Until the establishment of the international criminal courts in the ninetees the issue of sexual violence against women in armed conflict was overlooked. The prohibition of such treatment was existing, for example The Hague Convention or The Geneva Convention, however no efficient sanction mechanism to punish the perpetrators was existing. The violence against woman was moreover understood as her honour attack without any consequences for the community and the society as a whole. It was a private crime. Mass violation of the human rights in the area of Former Yugoslavia and Rwanda made the United Nations to begin with prosecuting and punishing such treatment. Rape and other forms of sexual violence was recognized as a war crime and the crime against humanity on the basis of the judgements of the international criminal courts. Rape can, under certain circumstances, fulfill the fact of the case of genocide. The international criminal courts strongly made...

La Côte d’Ivoire, pays d’Afrique de l’Ouest prospère et stable depuis le début de l’indépendance de 1960, bascule dans une longue et douloureuse guerre, le 24 décembre 1999, à la suite d’une mutinerie de soldats. S’en suit alors un intense ballet diplomatique visant à rétablir la paix et la Côte d’Ivoire assiste alors à plusieurs tentatives de médiation internationale. Cette recherche vise à comprendre la notion de succès en médiation en proposant de modéliser le conflit ivoirien à partir d’un modèle de la théorie des jeux, celui du dilemme du prisonnier. / Often cited as a model of peace and stability, Ivory Coast, a West African economic powerhouse, was embroiled in a civil war in September 2002 that disrupted the institutional order. During this time, the country was divided into the Southern and Northern zones. The former, a coastal area, is referred to as the "Governmental Zone". The Northern is the area that was captured in September 2002, by a few thousand army mutineers. Between the two North and South divide lies the buffer zone called the Zone de confiance, which served as a military buffer zone between the North and the South. How did the division occur? How did the several mediation work? Could we ensure that the signing of a peace agreement guaranteed a mediation success?

Já há mais de cinquenta anos, a Colômbia vem sendo palco de uma persistente luta armada. Porém, só no início dos anos 1980 foram iniciados processos de paz com as guerrilhas para tentar pôr fim ao conflito. Esta dissertação tem como objetivo comparar dois desses processos: o primeiro, durante o governo de Belisario Betancur (1982-1986); o segundo, no governo posterior de Virgilio Barco (1986-1990). Partindo de uma revisão da literatura sobre o tema, tentamos apontar para as limitações da mesma e, a partir disso, propor uma interpretação alternativa para o estudo das negociações. O problema central, portanto, é entender porque esses dois governos decidiram optar pela solução política do conflito em vez da solução militar. Para tanto, parte-se da análise dos principais regimes políticos na Colômbia durante o século XX, assim como do período conhecido como La Violencia e do surgimento das primeiras guerrilhas revolucionarias. Trata-se de entender a crise política dos anos 1980, cuja solução implicou recuperar o monopólio estatal da violência, desmobilizar as guerrilhas e possibilitar sua transformação em partidos políticos e sua participação em contendas eleitorais. O pano de fundo do processo é o desmonte da Frente Nacional e o início da abertura democrática do regime político. Ao inscrever as negociações em um contexto mais amplo de democratização e disputa política, é possível identificar mudanças do regime, oferecendo, com efeito, uma análise alternativa para os estudos acerca dos processos de paz. / Armed struggle in Colombia has existed for more than fifty years but it was only at the beginning of the 1980s when, in an attempt to end the conflict, peace negotiations with guerrillas were initiated. The goal of this dissertation is to compare two of those peace processes: the first, held under President Belisario Betancur\'s Administration (1982-1986), and the second one, under President Virgilio Barcos Administration (1986-1990). Upon reviewing existing literature on this subject, we have tried to highlight their limitations and, consequently, to propose an alternative interpretation for the study of peace negotiations. The key issue is then to understand why both Administrations chose a political solution to the conflict rather than a military one. Thus, the starting point is an analysis of the main political regimes in Colombia during the 20th century, as well as of the period of La Violencia and of the emergence of the first revolutionary guerrilla groups. The matter is to understand the political crisis of the 1980s, the solution of which meant recovering the state monopoly of violence, demobilizing the guerrillas and enabling their transformation into political parties and participation in competitive elections. The background of such process is the dismantling of the political regime known as Frente Nacional (National Front) and the beginning of the so-called democratic opening. By embedding the negotiations in such a broader context of democratization and political confrontation, it is possible to identify the regimes changes and alterations, thus providing an alternative reading for the study of peace processes.

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This thesis explores the work carried out by forensic specialists employed by the International Commission on Missing Persons (ICMP). Headquartered in Sarajevo, Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH), ICMP assists the work of local governments around the world in addressing the issue of missing persons following armed conflict, atrocities, and natural disasters. This thesis focuses on ICMP's efforts to aid the Bosnian government in locating, exhuming, and identifying the remains of the individuals who went missing during the country's recent war (1992-1995). Utilising data obtained via interviews with and observations of ICMP staff members, it primarily represents a study of the management of professional identity in emotionally charged situations, examining the experiences of the forensic specialists who work in the organisation's three mortuary facilities throughout BiH. It explores forensic specialists' work with human remains, their interactions with victims' family members, and their attendance at events in which victims are commemorated and/or buried. Discussion of forensic specialists' experiences with the deceased brings into consideration their varying responses to the remains, emphasising the prevalence and perceived importance of emotional detachment. Situations in which emotional detachment from the remains may prove challenging are considered, as are the varying techniques forensic specialists utilise in managing emotional responses to their work. Examination of forensic specialists' interactions with the living suggests their general dislike of these encounters, although the positive aspects of these interactions are also examined. Exploration of forensic specialists' opinions of attending burials and/or commemorations brings into further consideration the balance between emotional attachment and detachment. While respondents noted the importance of maintaining an emotional connection to their work, they nevertheless emphasised the importance of avoiding such responses while in the mortuary. Commemorations and/or burials become ‘safe spaces' for forensic specialists to express and experience emotional responses to their work that are not overtly professional.

Esta tesis propone desarrollar un análisis de la forma cómo los diarios El Comercio y La República han denominado al Conflicto Armado Interno peruano en dos casos específicos. Es importante precisar, en primer lugar, que la elección de ambos diarios para el futuro análisis, se llevó a cabo debido a que tanto El Comercio como La República han sido diarios peruanos que aún mantienen circulación nacional y han seguido existiendo más allá del desarrollo del proceso de violencia. Esta particularidad no se ha visto en otros diarios, dado que algunos desaparecieron durante o antes del conflicto y, también, otros fueron creados después del conflicto. El primer caso a revisar es la entrega y publicación del Informe Final de la Comisión de la Verdad y Reconciliación (CVR) en el año 2003. El segundo caso es el segundo aniversario de la entrega del Informe Final de la CVR y la creación, por consiguiente, del monumento del “Ojo que Llora” en el año 2005. Estos dos casos presentan una vinculación con la necesidad de conocer la verdad y elaborar un acercamiento con la reconciliación y la memoria de una sociedad posconflicto como la peruana. / This thesis proposes to develop an analysis of how the newspapers El Comercio and La República have called the Peruvian Internal Armed Conflict in two specific cases. It is important to specify, in the first place, that the election of both newspapers for the future analysis was carried out because both El Comercio and La República have been peruvian newspapers that still maintain national circulation and have continued to exist beyond the development of the violence process. This feature has not been seen in other newspapers, since some disappeared during or before the conflict and, also, others were created after the conflict. The first case to review is the delivery and publication of the Final Report of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (CVR) in 2003. The second case is the second anniversary of the delivery of the Final Report of the CVR and the creation, by therefore, the monument of the "Eye that Cries" in the year 2005. These two cases present a link with the need to know the truth and develop an approach to reconciliation and memory of a post-conflict society such as Peru. / Tesis

This thesis examines the relationship between justice and recovery for survivors of sexual violence in the aftermath of armed conflict. Using the case study of the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY), the thesis evaluates whether international criminal justice can contribute positively to victim vindication and restoration. While the historical war crimes tribunals at Nuremberg and Tokyo have been widely criticised for exercising a “victor’s justice”, this thesis illustrates a discernible shift towards a form of “victim’s justice” that extends beyond the parameters of punishment and proportionality for serious violations of international humanitarian law (IHL). Restorative principles of justice have thus been increasingly incorporated within current international criminal jurisdictions, reflected in victim-friendly legislation at the ICTY and the recently established International Criminal Court (ICC). These developments recognise the significance of justice for victims in the aftermath of armed conflict. (For complete abstract open document)

The trade in human beings, or Trafficking in Persons (TiP) is global and affecting every country. In the last years, increasing attention has been paid to TiP for the purpose of sexual exploitation. This led to a growing need to tackle this phenomenon. Only recently, the relationship between TiP and armed conflict has been acknowledged but remains under-studied. Cameron and Newman (2008) have outlined a framework in which structural factors linked to proximate factors could have explanatory value on the relationship between armed conflict and TiP. This thesis analyzes two cases of armed conflict, Bosnia and Herzegovina and Sierra Leone, attempting to explain the increase in TiP of women and girls for the purpose of sexual exploitation by applying this theoretical framework. In this qualitative research a comparative method is used in applying the framework to two case studies, aiming to identify the explanatory value of Cameron and Newman’s (2008) framework. It is found that the general explanatory value of the framework is high and the proximate factors can be classified as: a fully explanatory proximate factor, case dependent proximate factors, and conflict-phase proximate factors. In addition, this thesis is identifying some elements that could influence TiP of women and girls for the purpose of sexual exploitation during conflict and post-conflict that could be of added value to this framework, namely: the implementation of government strategies, corruption of non-government officials, economic deterioration as a consequence of migration, and involvement of peacekeepers and members of the international community in TiP of women and girls for the purpose of sexual exploitation.