The first hospital outbreak of vancomycin-resistant enterococci (VRE) and carriage rates of VRE and ampicillin-resistant enterococci (ARE) in Sweden were investigated. Clonal relationships and mutations in fluoroquinolone resistance determining regions among ARE collected nation-wide were studied. Risk factors for ARE infection, shedding of ARE and the presence of the virulence gene esp in ARE isolates and patients on a hematology unit and other units at Uppsala University Hospital were further investigated. The first Swedish hospital VRE outbreak was due to clonal spread of E. faecium, vanA. The nation wide carriage rates of ARE and VRE were 21.5% / 1% and 6% / 0%, among hospitalized patients and non-hospitalized individuals respectively. All ARE and VRE were E. faecium and >90% resistant to ciprofloxacin. All VRE carried vanB. Carriage of ARE was independently associated with >5 days of antibiotic treatment. Phenotypic and genetic typing showed a significantly higher homogeneity among ARE compared to matched ASE E. faecium isolates. Mutations conferring high-level ciprofloxacin resistance were found only in ARE. Risk factors for ARE infection included long duration of hospital stay and exposure to antibiotics. Skin carriage was associated with ARE shedding. ARE bacteremia was independently associated with prior ARE colonization and hematopoietic stem cell transplantation. Death was more common in ARE septicemia cases compared to controls. Esp was significantly more common in ARE surveillance compared to ARE blood isolates from patients on the hematology ward. In conclusion, VRE were rare but clonally related multi-resistant ARE E. faecium were highly prevalent in Swedish hospitals. Spread of ARE in hospitals during the 1990s is suggested to be the main explanation for the emergence of ARE in Sweden. Spread was facilitated by use of antibiotics and probably by the presence of virulence genes in E. faecium isolates.

This thesis examines the relative importance of local conditions, dispersal and dynamics of the trees on epiphyte distribution patterns and colonization-extinction dynamics. Study species are the mosses Orthotrichum speciosum and O. obtusifolium, and the red-listed Neckera pennata. The thesis also includes an attempt to parameterize a model for a lichen metapopulation (Lobaria pulmonaria) in a dynamic landscape, based on only presence/absence data of the epiphyte and its host trees. The results show that epiphyte colonization of trees is affected by both local conditions, and by connectivity to occupied trees. The positive effect of connectivity, implying a restricted dispersal range, was established by both demographic and genetic studies. The important local conditions were tree diameter and vitality, and shade. Local extinctions from trees occurred among small trees with low local epiphyte abundance, but more often, were the results of tree fall. The observed importance of connectivity on epiphyte colonization agrees with the assumptions of the classic metapopulation model. However, the classic metapopulation model assumes that the landscape is static, and that local extinctions occur for stochastic reasons. The dynamics of epiphytes are different. A new conceptual model is therefore suggested, the patch-tracking metapopulation model. It differs from the classic metapopulation model in that it includes dynamics of the patches, and in that local extinctions only occur as patches are destroyed. Simulations of the dynamics of N. pennata showed that its future metapopulation size will be overestimated unless the dynamics of the trees are accounted for. The simulation results further suggest that the dynamics of N. pennata can be characterised by the patch-tracking metapopulation model. The attempt to parameterize the L. pulmonaria metapopulation model showed that more information are required for rigorous parameterization, preferably of the past historic fire regime.

In Anishinaabemowin (Ojibwe language), Kipimoojikewin refers to our inheritance, or the things we carry with us. While Anishinaabemowin, Anishinaabe (Ojibwe) pedagogy and research practices are all part of our inheritance, so too is a legacy of colonial violence and historic trauma. This paper details one journey towards the language; the struggle through a colonial terrain rife with institutional and cognitive barriers, the journey to return to Anishinaabe ways of knowing, to articulating Anishinaabe pedagogy in a contemporary urban context and the work done to fulfill the vision of the Elders. There are no “best practices” only stories that exemplify an Anishinaabe axiological framework so that the causes and effects can be better understood, taken up and improved upon. Aapajitoon kema wanitoon.

In Anishinaabemowin (Ojibwe language), Kipimoojikewin refers to our inheritance, or the things we carry with us. While Anishinaabemowin, Anishinaabe (Ojibwe) pedagogy and research practices are all part of our inheritance, so too is a legacy of colonial violence and historic trauma. This paper details one journey towards the language; the struggle through a colonial terrain rife with institutional and cognitive barriers, the journey to return to Anishinaabe ways of knowing, to articulating Anishinaabe pedagogy in a contemporary urban context and the work done to fulfill the vision of the Elders. There are no “best practices” only stories that exemplify an Anishinaabe axiological framework so that the causes and effects can be better understood, taken up and improved upon. Aapajitoon kema wanitoon.

The aim of this thesis is to present and examine the names of the islands in the archipelago of Luleå innorthern Sweden. The basis for the studies is a collection of names, which contains written forms excerpted fromsources from the 14th to the 20th century and local pronunciations of old as well as modern names. The names ofthe islands in the collection have been studied from three aspects.The first study (chapter 2) deals with the structure of the names and especially that of names of islands in doublecompound. The lack of s in names like Storhäll-gründet, where dialects in the south of S weden and StandardSwedish would have Storhälls gründet, is the starting point of the investigation. (Some double compounds have sin the compounding link like Bullerskärs-grundet. They are also discussed.)The hypothesis advanced is that the dialectal distribution of the accent in the names in northern Sweden makes itpossible to show where the link in the double compound is, so the 5, which in Standard Swedish and in thedialects in the south of Sweden is needed to mark the semantic limit between the parts of the compound, is notneeded in the dialects of northern Sweden.The stress in double compounds of th e type AB-C (see above) is on the last element of the name or word: -——. Names in double compound of the type A-BC like Lill-Kvarnören have a different type of accent: — — 1with the stress on the first element of the name or word. The two different main accents in double compounds ofthe type AB-C and A-BC: J— — and — —1 have the status of markers showing where the compounding link inthe compound is, so the s is not needed in the compounds of the type AB-C in the dialects of northern Sweden.The study includes names of isl ands containing double compounds in the whole of Norrbotten and appellativedouble compounds from a collection of words from a village in Nederluleå.The second study (chapter 3) deals with the relationship between the names and the land uplift. The BothnianBay is an area of rapid land uplift. The land uplift has its highest estimated values, 0,9 meters in 100 years, on thecoast north of Skellefteå up to Luleå. Many names of islands have disappeared because the islands have beenuplifted, especially in what used to be large bays, now large shallow lakes like Persöfjärden. New water-surroundedareas have on the other hand been named like Sandgrönnorna, described from old maps from 1790 and fromphotographs from 1946.Chapter 3 consists of three sections, in which separate studies of names in relation to the land uplift are presented.The first section deals with the names ending in -gründet, -grunden. Originally names of under-water localities,they are now names of small islands and gründet has changed its denotation to 'small island' in the area.The second section in chapter 3 presents a method for the dating of names of island in uplifted areas. Many largeislands, now uplifted, still have the names they had as water-surrounded islands. By following the equidistancecurves around the locality it is possible to find out at what equidistance it was surrounded by water. Before thattime it must have been named as an island. That is terminus ante quem, TAO, for the name. The third sectiondeals with the names of vattung, which can be dated from the time of th eir rise above the sea level. A vattung, 5meters high, can thus be about 500 years old, terminus post quem, TPQ, about 1450. The studies presentedabove show that some names can be dated to the Viking Age.The third study (chapter 4) deals with the names of large islands and the colonization. The colonization period ofthe northern part of Sweden is reflected in many names of large islands containing personal names like Hertsönand Germandön. No archipelago in Scandinavia shows such an amount of names of islands containing personalnames. Most personal names are Nordic and can be compared to those in the names ending in -mark in Västerbottenand the south of Norrbotten. - Some of t he names of islands containing personal names have also beendated in chapter 3. They are among the oldest names in Nederluleå.In chapter 5 the names in the studies are put in relation to the historical and archaeological records in Norrbottenand can thus contribute to throwing light upon the colonization period of northern Sweden. / digitalisering@umu

The plant genus Tolpis (Asteraceae) is a predominantly insular plant lineage. It inhabits four of the five archipelagoes that comprise the Atlantic region of Macaronesia and also occurs in Mediterranean Europe and North Africa. Twelve species are currently recognized in Tolpis, of which ten are insular and two continental. The majority of the insular species inhabit the five western Canarian islands, where they constitute endemics to specific ecological habitats. A comprehensive molecular phylogeny of Tolpis is generated via DNA sequences of one nuclear ribosomal and two low-copy nuclear DNA markers. Considerable phylogenetic uncertainty among inferred tree topologies is detected, and incongruence between these topologies is resolved via statistical hypotheses testing. The extant diversity of the genus is identified to be the result of two independent colonization pathways and adaptive radiations on several islands. Moreover, potential hybridization is detected between species that inhabit different islands and archipelagoes, indicating a more widespread historical distribution of the genus. Details of the biogeographic history of Tolpis are inferred via ancestral area reconstructions under parsimony and likelihood optimality criteria. The hypothesis that Tolpis may have undergone a back-dispersal from an island to a continental habitat is also tested. Uncertainty in taxon cladograms owing to the presence of hybrid or allopolyploid taxa is characterized and a potential adjustment strategy evaluated. Averaging reconstruction results over all optimal phylogenetic trees and the manual pruning of cloned DNA sequences are found potential adjustment strategies against the impact of topological uncertainty owning to hybrid or allopolyploid taxa. Adjusted ancestral area reconstructions in Tolpis do not support the scenario that the genus has undergone a reverse colonization of the continent. In addition to the phylogenetic and biogeographic history of the genus, the diversity of symbiotic mycorrhizal fungi associated with Tolpis is characterized. A molecular survey using two nuclear ribosomal DNA markers and 454 pyrosequencing is performed. Particular emphasis is placed on the quality filtering of resulting fungal DNA sequences, the generation of operational taxonomic units, and their taxonomic assignment via similarity searches against DNA sequence databases. Numerous potentially novel fungal genotypes are identified. / text

Terpenes and phenols are of importance in conifer defense against insects and pathogens. Knowledge about tree chemical defense is vital for developing practical methods to maintain healthy forests. With the aims of characterizing the defensive chemical induction in Norway spruce Picea abies and demonstrating its ecological function to spruce bark beetle Ips typographus, we measured the terpenoid and phenolic content in the bark of mature Norway spruce trees suffering windstorm, inoculated with Ceratocystis polonica, or treated with methyl jasmonate (MeJA), and investigated the colonization and pheromone emission of I. typographus. All three stressors altered the chemical profile in the bark of Norway spruce. Trees damaged by windstorm had lower proportions of (+)-3-carene and two unidentified stilbenes, and a higher taxifolin glycoside content than trees without apparent windstorm damage; C. polonica inoculation induced extremely strong quantitative terpene accumulation in the wound reaction zone, but only increased the levels of (+)-3-carene, sabinene and terpinolene in the bark near the reaction zone; MeJA treatment generally elicited quantitative terpene accumulation, but the induction differed extensively between individual trees. In addition, logs from MeJA-treated tree showed much stronger wounding response compared to control logs. The chemical profile of Norway spruce affected the colonization and pheromone emission of I. typographus. In response to fungal inoculation, terpene present in the reaction zone inhibited the colonization of I. typographus in a dose-dependent manner. Host defense elicited by MeJA treatment reduced emissions of 2-methyl-3-buten-2-ol and (S)-cis-verbenol, the two key aggregation pheromone components of I. typographus, and altered the ratio between the two components. / QC 20110503

Figure majeure de l’histoire des relations coloniales franco-algériennes, l’émir Abdelkader est généralement présenté par ses compatriotes comme le modèle politique, militaire et religieux du résistant au colonialisme français du 19ième siècle. L’historiographie officielle algérienne en véhicule l’image du chef religieux qui a initié al-jihad de résistance conforme aux règles exotériques de la chari’ia. Il est décrit comme un guerrier loyal et magnanime, fin stratège, dont la défaite militaire a paradoxalement marqué la fondation de l’Algérie moderne en tant que Nation et État. La construction sociopolitique postcoloniale de ce mythe a permis de légitimer les différents régimes politiques, qui se sont succédé dans l’Algérie indépendante et qui ont toujours tenu, dans le cadre d’une lecture littérale de l’Islam. Ceci dans le but de taire la dimension spirituelle d’Abdelkader disciple, héritier et commentateur de l’œuvre du magister Magnus soufi, IbnʻArabî. Fascinés dès le début de l’occupation par cet adversaire hors du commun, les français, de plus en plus sécularisés, en ont érigé une image utilitaire, l’aliénant ainsi de ses compatriotes coreligionnaires et le découplant de sa foi islamique. Les mémoires concurrentes de l’ancienne puissance coloniale et de son ex-colonie, l’Algérie, ont généré plusieurs débats contemporains en ce qui a trait à l’écriture de l’histoire de la colonisation. Le personnage d’Abdelkader a été instrumentalisé par les uns et les autres. Deux évènements controversés de sa biographie sont devenus les objets d’une polémique souvent âpre et amère entre auteurs chercheurs algériens et français : l’adhésion de l’émir à la franc-maçonnerie française et sa séparation d’avec celle-ci. Nous allons présenter que la prémisse d’auteurs algériens, selon laquelle Abdelkader n’aurait pas pu adhérer au Grand Orient de France, pour cause d’incompatibilité doctrinale musulmane, est inconsistante. Nous essayerons de démontrer au contraire, que son initiation à la maçonnerie telle qu’elle s’était présentée à lui était en accord avec sa vision soufie et légaliste du dogme islamique. En nous basant sur le choix de la franc-maçonnerie française pour la laïcité au moment de la réception supposée de l’émir dans la fraternité, nous montrerons qu’il s’en éloigna pour des raisons de doctrine islamique. En effet, l’élimination de toute référence déiste des textes constitutifs du Grand Orient de France fut inacceptable pour le musulman qu’était Abdelkader, vaincu militairement mais raffermi spirituellement par sa proximité grandissante avec son maître spirituel IbnʻArabî. L’humanisme des francs-maçons français avait motivé une refondation basée sur les droits de l’homme issus de la révolution française. Tandis que celui de l’émir Abdelkader prenait sa source dans l’Unicité de l’Être, concept-cadre Akbarien de la compréhension de la relation de Dieu avec ses créatures. Nous allons montrer que les polémiques franco-algériennes sur les relations d’Abdelkader avec la franc-maçonnerie française, masquent un autre débat de fond qui dure depuis des siècles dans le monde musulman. Un débat opposant deux herméneutiques légalistes des textes islamiques, l’une exotérique s’incarnant dans l’œuvre du théologien musulman Ibn Taymiyya et l’autre ésotérique se trouvant au cœur des écrits du mystique IbnʻArabî. / A major figure in the history of Franco-Algerian colonial relations Emir Abd-el-Kader is usually presented by his countrymen as the political, military and religious model of resistance to French colonialism in the 19th century. The official Algerian historiography conveys the image of Abd-el-Kader as the religious leader who launched a jihad resistance complying with the exoteric rules of sharî’a, loyal and magnanimous warrior, strategist, whose military defeat ironically marks the founding of modern Algeria as a nation and state. The postcolonial sociopolitical construction of this myth has helped to legitimize the different political regimes that have succeeded in independent Algeria that have under an exoteric reading of Islam, always silenced the spiritual dimension of Abd-el-Kader disciple-heir and commentator on the work of magister Magnus Sufi IbnʻArabî. Fascinated since the beginning of their colonization by this uncommon enemy the increasingly secularized French built a of Abd-el-Kader utilitarian image alienating his fellow countrymen. As this image took shape, it increasingly decoupled Abd-el-Kader from his Islamic faith. Competing memories between the former colonial power and its former colony have generated several contemporary debates in regard to writing the history of colonization. The character of Abd-el-Kader was exploited by all sides. Two controversial events of his biography have become the subject of often rough and bitter controversy between Algerian and French authors-researchers: the accession of the Amir to the French Freemasonry and his separation from it. In this thesis, we demonstrate that Algerian authors' premise that Abd-el-Kader could not have joined the Grand Orient de France because of a supposed incompatibility with Islamic doctrinal concerns is in contradiction with his initiation into Masonry as it was presented to him, when it was still in agreement with his legalistic and mystical vision of Islamic dogma. Basing our analysis careful periodization of the process of secularization of French Freemasonry during the period of the alleged reception of the Emir into the masonry, we show that he later withdrew from it for reasons of Islamic doctrine. The elimination of any deist reference in texts constituting the Grand Orient de France subsequent to Abd-el-Kader’s entrance could only make his participation eventually unacceptable as a Muslim defeated militarily but humanist spiritually strengthened by his growing proximity with his spiritual master IbnʻArabî. French Freemasonry had carried out an overhaul based on human rights stemining from the French Revolution, while Emir Abd-el-Kader is humanism had its source in the Unity of Being which is the Akbarian conceptual framework of understanding the relationship of God with its creatures. We show that Franco-Algerian controversies regarding Abd-el-Kader’s relations to French Freemasonry mask another substantive debate that has lasted for centuries in the Muslim world: that of two legalistic hermeneutics of Islamic texts, one exoteric embodied in the work of the famous Muslim theologian Ibn Taymiyya and the other at the heart of esoteric writings of the mystic IbnʻArabî.

This thesis examines French and English trade voyages and trade colonies in North American during the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries, and French and English relations with Native Americans. The colonies of Port Royal, Jamestown, and Sagadahoc included members of previous French and English trade voyages and depended on the experience and information gained during trade voyages to formulate their economic objectives and colonial policies. French and English North American activity was intrinsically connected in this era through a plethora of amiable and competitive associations. National, transnational, and regional frameworks are all necessary in explaining Port Royal, Jamestown, and Sagadahoc. French and English interaction with Native American groups during these voyages and colonies was distinctly similar, and the diverse cultures of the native Mi’kmaq, Eastern Abenaki, Powhatans, and Armouchiquois, rather than the divisions between French and English culture, were central in shaping colonist-Native relations in the seventeenth century.

Reclaimed oil sands landscapes are perceived to be low in plant diversity compared with naturally occurring plant communities. Approximately 66 Carex species inhabit the oil sand region. This thesis is unique and represents the first large scale study of Carex establishment on reclaimed oil sands landscapes. Research compared diversity and habitat variables between natural ecosystems and reclaimed landscapes, and examined the colonization mechanism for Carex establishment on reclaimed landscapes (i.e., ingress from adjacent natural ecosystems or emergence from the soil seed bank). Low positive associations between the presence of Carex in natural and reclaimed landscapes, and the presence of species on reclaimed landscapes not accounted for in either the forest or edge plots, suggests Carex established from the soil seed bank and less so from natural ingress. Carex share the same seed dispersal mechanisms as many plants, so the implications may apply to a broader range of plant species.