This master thesis deals with comparison of Greek temples in areas of Magna Graecia and the mainland Greece from the 6th and 5th centuries BC. The first chapter covers with the Greek colonization in Sicily and south Italy. Main temple buildings from both areas are described and compared in following chapters. All the differences between both areas are summarized in the end of the thesis.

The thesis focuses on different conceptions of Russia developed throughout the philosophical- journalistic and prose works of an eminent Russian thinker of the 19th century - Alexander Herzen, who had lived and worked in Russia and later on continued his work as emigrant elsewhere in Europe. Applying E. Said's Orientalism, I. Buruma's and A. Margalit's Occidentalism, and A. Etkind's internal colonization, a representative sample of Hezen's work has been analyzed to embrace the changes of the author's perception of Russia. In particular, Etkind's concept is used to bridge the divergence between a conventional understanding of Orientalism directed upon Middle East and the canonical texts of the Russian 19th century (pre-revolutionary) intelligentsia. Herzen's work has been thus situated within the context of postcolonial studies. The analysis studies the images and scenes used by Herzen to build up his ideas and understandings of Russia and Europe, or more precisely his constructions of East and West, indirectly intertwined with the social characteristics of Russia and his various conceptions, including the imaginary role of Russian intelligentsia and the author's own role in Russia and Europe.

Certains virus respiratoires comme rhinovirus semblent favoriser la colonisation par staphylococcus aureus. Cependant, les détails des mécanismes impliqués dans cette synergie n’ont pas été suffisamment élucidés. Le but de cette thèse a été de développer et valider un modèle in vitro mimant la colonisation du vestibule nasal par s. aureus en utilisant les kératinocytes humains hacat. Ce modèle a permis d’étudier (i) les pouvoirs d’adhésion et d’internalisation d’une collection de souche clinique de s. aureus, (ii) l’efficacité intracellulaire des molécules antimicrobiennes utilisées dans le cadre de la décolonisation nasale de s. aureus, (iii) l’effet de la clarithromycine sur l’infection par rhinovirus et (iv) l’impact de l’infection par rhinovirus ou de l’inflammation non spécifique sur la colonisation par s. aureus. ce travail a principalement permis d’identifier un nouveau mécanisme alternatif de l’internalisation de s. aureus à travers la liaison entre la protéine bactérienne eap (extracellular adherence protein) et le récepteur cellulaire icam-1 (intracellular adhesion molecule 1). Cette voie alternative est favorisée en cas d’infection par rhinovirus ou d’inflammation, ce qui pourrait expliquer les observations cliniques de l’augmentation de la charge de s. aureus ou du risque d’infection par cette bactérie lors des infections virales respiratoires ou d’inflammation post-traumatique. Les résultats de cette thèse illustrent la complexité des interactions entre les cellules épithéliales de la muqueuse, s. aureus et les pathogènes viraux et ouvrent les perspectives sur d’autres études nécessaires afin de proposer des stratégies préventives ou thérapeutiques adaptées. / Some respiratory viruses such as rhinoviruses seem to promote staphylococcus aureus colonization. However, the details of the bacterial and cellular mechanisms involved in this synergy have not been sufficiently elucidated. The aim of this thesis was to develop and validate an in vitro model mimicking s. aureus colonization of the nasal vestibule by using hacat human keratinocytes. This model allowed to study (i) the adhesion and internalization capacities of various clinical s. aureus strains, (ii) the intracellular efficiency of the antimicrobial molecules used for s. aureus nasal decolonization, (iii) the effect of clarithromycin on rhinovirus infection, and (iv) the impact of rhinovirus infection and non-specific inflammation on s. aureus colonization. This work has mainly identified a new alternative mechanism for the internalization of s. aureus through the binding between the bacterial protein eap (extracellular adherence protein) and the cell receptor icam-1 (intracellular adhesion molecule 1). This alternative pathway is favored in case of rhinovirus infection or inflammation; which could explain the clinical observations of the increase of the load of s. aureus or the risk of infection by this bacterium during respiratory viral infections or post-traumatic inflammations. The results of this thesis illustrate the complexity of the interactions between the mucosal epithelial cells, s. aureus and viral pathogens and suggest that other studies are needed to propose appropriate preventive or therapeutic strategies.

L'objectif de cette thèse est d'étudier la politique de la Grande-Bretagne vis-à-vis du conflit israélo-arabe au prisme de ses intérêts au Proche-Orient entre la première guerre israélo-arabe (1948-1949) jusqu'à la guerre des Six-Jours en 1967. Nous avons essayé de préciser, en ce sens, qu'en plus des intérêts politiques, géostratégiques et économiques, cette politique a été aussi marquée par les changements des rapports de force qui s'imposaient inévitablement dans le monde entier, notamment l'avènement des États-Unis et de l'URSS comme superpuissances mondiales, le nationalisme arabe…etc. Dans ce cadre d'intérêts politiques et économiques, nous avons souligné que la création de l'État d'Israël répondait aux besoins stratégiques des puissances occidentales au Moyen-Orient. D'ailleurs, cette approche prouvera sa validité dès 1956 quand l'État d'Israël va jouer un rôle déterminant pendant l'expédition de Suez. Nous avons mis l'accent sur la place qu'occupait l'industrie du pétrole et les intérêts commerciaux dans le processus de la décolonisation britannique du Moyen-Orient pendant les années 1950 et 1960. Bien que l'étude de la politique britannique au Proche-Orient soit négligée, et ce, en raison de son « déclassement politique », notre recherche a bien montré que la Grande-Bretagne a joué un rôle aussi important que celui des Américains dans la sauvegarde de leurs intérêts à travers une « gestion » commune des affaires du Moyen-Orient. / The aim of this thesis is to study the British policy towards the Arab-Israeli conflict through the prism of British interests in the Middle East from the first Arab-Israeli war in 1948-1949 to the Six-Day War in 1967. In addition to economic and political interests, we show that in the years under review the British policy has also been marked by a change in the world balance of power, namely the emergence of the United States and the Soviet Union as the world's leading superpowers, Arab nationalism ... etc. In this context, we emphasize that the creation of the State of Israel met the strategic needs of Western powers in the Middle East. This approach will prove its effectiveness only eight years after the creation of Israel when the latter played a decisive role during the tripartite invasion of Egypt in late 1956. Moreover, we point out the place occupied by oil industry and commercial interests in the process of British decolonization in the Middle East in the 1950s and 1960s. The study of British foreign policy in the Middle East has been neglected because of the “demise of Britain's political supremacy” worldwide. Nevertheless, we show that Britain has played a role as important as that of the United States in safeguarding their common interests in the Middle East through a close collaboration.

Ce travail de recherche historique retrace l’évolution de l’école française au Vietnam de 1945 à 1975, en s’appuyant à la fois sur les archives et sur les témoignages d’anciens élèves et professeurs. Dans l’Indochine coloniale, sous couvert de la « mission civilisatrice », les Français instaurent un système éducatif destiné à produire des subalternes, leur crainte étant de créer des « déclassés » menaçants pour l’ordre colonial. Pourtant, en dépit des résistances officielles, les élites vietnamiennes font entrer leurs enfants dans les lycées français réservés en principe aux Européens, s’appropriant en partie ces établissements.Après la Seconde Guerre mondiale, le Vietnam s’engage dans la voie de l’indépendance, obligeant les Français à repenser leur doctrine scolaire, qui, après avoir cru un moment que la France resterait « l’éducatrice de l’Indochine », se résolvent à un rôle d’accompagnement via la création d’une mission culturelle. Il n’est plus question de limiter l’accès des Vietnamiens aux lycées français mais au contraire de leur ouvrir les portes pour leur proposer un enseignement de haut niveau. La défaite française de Ði?n Biên Ph? en 1954, qui voit la France se désengager du Vietnam, accélère la mutation de l’ancien système éducatif colonial. En passant sous la tutelle des Affaires étrangères, l’enseignement français au Vietnam devient un instrument de la diplomatie culturelle. Les Français espèrent qu’une présence culturelle assurée notamment par leurs prestigieux lycées leur garantira une influence déterminante. Au Nord, dans la République Démocratique du Vietnam pro-soviétique, le Lycée Albert-Sarraut devient la seule école occidentale à fonctionner dans un État du bloc communiste, et permet aux Français de conserver en pleine Guerre froide un lien privilégié avec un pays considéré en Occident comme un ennemi. Cette expérience unique s’achève en 1965 faute d’entente entre Français et Nord-Vietnamiens sur la nature du lycée. Au Sud, dans la République du Vietnam nationaliste et pro-américaine, la situation reste plus longtemps favorable aux Français. Les élites vietnamiennes se pressent aux portes des lycées français, gages d’un enseignement de qualité et d’un meilleur avenir pour leurs enfants dans un pays en guerre. Pour les Français, cette attirance pour leurs écoles et pour la culture française leur permet de contrer l’influence grandissante des États-Unis, qui investissent lourdement dans la réforme de l’État sud-vietnamien et notamment dans celle du système éducatif. Cependant, les gouvernements sud-vietnamiens, pour des raisons politiques, décrètent à la fin des années 1960 la nationalisation progressive de ces écoles. Après la réunification en avril 1975, tous les établissements français sont rendus au Vietnam. Telle qu’il est raconté par l’histoire « officielle » des archives, le parcours du système d’enseignement français au Vietnam se termine donc par un échec. Au Nord comme au Sud, les satisfactions qu’en retirent les dirigeants français sont minimales. Les élites vietnamiennes ne se sont pas ralliées aux positions françaises. Culturellement, la francophonie au Vietnam régresse dès les années 1950.En revanche, pour la centaine d’anciens élèves que nous avons interrogés sur cette période de leur vie, le système d’enseignement français est décrit comme un véritable succès, en dépit de parcours familiaux et scolaires particulièrement tourmentés. Leur perception de l’école française est unanimement positive. Ils ont étudié au sein de ces établissements dans une ambiance pacifique, studieuse et égalitaire.... / This historical research traces the evolution of the French schools in Vietnam from 1945 to 1975, drawing from archives and interviews with former students and teachers. In colonial Indochina, under the guise of the "civilizing mission", the French established an educational system designed to produce only subordinates, as they feared that a better education would create individuals likely to threaten the colonial order. Yet, in spite of the resistance of colonial authorities, Vietnamese elites always managed to send their children to the local French schools that were, in principle, open only to Europeans.After World War II, Vietnam embarked on the path of independence, forcing the French to rethink their educational policy in a country that was no longer a colony. After believing for a while that France would remain "the educator of Indochina", the French accepted to play a supporting role in Vietnamese education through the creation of a cultural mission. There was no longer question of limiting access to French schools: rather, those schools opened their doors wide to Vietnamese students to offer them a high-quality education. The French defeat of Ði?n Bien Phu in 1954, which resulted in France’s political withdrawal from Vietnam, accelerated the transformation of the former colonial education system. Passing under the tutelage of Foreign Affairs, the French schools in Vietnam became an instrument of cultural diplomacy. The French hoped that their continuing cultural presence, and particularly their prestigious lycées, would grant them a decisive influence in Vietnamese affairs. In the North, in the pro-Soviet Democratic Republic of Vietnam, the Lycée Albert-Sarraut became the only western school to operate in a communist nation, allowing the French to maintain a special relationship with a country that the West considered as an enemy. This unique experience was terminated in 1965 due to lack of agreement between the French and the North Vietnamese on the nature of the school. In the South, in the nationalist, pro-American Republic of Vietnam, the situation remained favorable to the French. Vietnamese elites rushed the gates of French schools, which promise them a quality education and a better future for their children in a war-torn country. For the French, the attractiveness of their schools and of French culture allowed them to counter the growing influence of the United States, who were then pushing ahead with reform, especially in the Vietnamese educational system. Nevertheless, the South Vietnamese government, for political reasons, decreed in the late 1960s the gradual nationalization of the French school system. After the Reunification of April 1975, all French schools were returned to the Vietnamese state. As told by the "official" history described in the archives, the story of the French educational system in Vietnam ends in failure. In both North and South Vietnam, French efforts in cultural diplomacy in Vietnam came to naught. Not only the Vietnamese elites did not concur with the French political positions, but the prominence of French language and culture actually decreased in Vietnam from the 1950s onwards.However, the hundred or so alumni we have interviewed about this period of their lives have described the French school system as a success....

[pt] Lobo Antunes e Pepetela: A literatura como chave de um horizonte multicultural propõe alguns critérios para a configuração de um horizonte cultural que possibilite um encontro entre as literaturas produzidas atualmente em Portugal e em Angola. Tomando os estudos pós- coloniais como suporte teórico e metodológico, pretende-se promover um diálogo multicultural buscado em textos literários de António Lobo Antunes e de Pepetela. O objetivo central desta dissertação é interrogar a constituição de um quadro que torne possível o convívio de culturas diversas que, apesar das diferenças, dividiram contextos históricos profundamente associados à violência até o final do século XX. / [en] The paper Lobo Antunes and Pepetela: the Literature as a key of multicultural horizon propose some criteria to the installation of a multicultural horizon that promote a meeting between the Literature produced nowadays in Portugal and Angola. Getting the post colonial studies as a theoretical and methodological base, tries to provide a multicultural dialog searching in literary texts from Antonio Lobo Antunes and Pepetela. The main objective of this paper is to interrogate a constitution of a picture which makes possible a variety of cultures living together, besides their differences, shared historical contexts deeply associated to the violence until the end of XX Century.

Esta dissertação tem como objeto de pesquisa o governo do governador e capitãogeneral Bernardo José Maria Lorena e Silveira (Bernardo José de Lorena) a frente da capitania de São Paulo entre 1788 e 1797, principalmente em seu aspecto político e econômico. O governo de Bernardo José de Lorena se desenvolveu no contexto da Crise do Antigo Sistema Colonial, pautado, no caso de Portugal, pela política da Coroa em tentar aproveitar ao máximo as potencialidades da sua colônia. São Paulo, embora fosse uma capitania secundária, também não escapou das transformações do período e as ações levadas a cabo pelos administradores régios nos permitem vislumbrar o teor das ideias e interesses postos em jogo. Quarto governador pós-restauração da capitania de São Paulo, Bernardo José de Lorena empreendeu várias obras de infra-estrutura na Cidade de São Paulo, edificou o caminho de acesso do planalto paulista ao litoral e ao porto de Santos, incrementou a agricultura destinada à exportação, arquitetou a vinda de embarcações para a Capitania e desta para Portugal, dentro outros feitos. Sua governança, em linhas gerais se adequou ao que podemos chamar de Novo Padrão de Colonização. / This dissertation objective the resserch on the administration of Governor and Captain General Bernardo José Maria Lorena e Silveira (Bernardo José de Lorena) in charge of the captaincy of São Paulo between 1788 and 1797, especially in its political and economic aspects. The government of José Bernardo de Lorena was developed in the context of the Crisis of the Old Colonial System, ruled, in the case of Portugal, by the Crown policy of trying to exploit the full potential of their colony. São Paulo, though a secondary captaincy, has not escaped the transformations of the period and the actions undertaken by the royal administration allow us to glimpse the content of ideas and interests at stake. Fourth governor after restoration of the captaincy of São Paulo, José Bernardo de Lorena undertook various infrainstructural works in the City of São Paulo, he built the way from the Sao Paulo plateau to the coast and the port of Santos, increased farming for export, masterminded the arrival of boats directy from Portugal for this to Captaincy and for Portugal directy from São Paulo, among other deeds. Its governance, in general, adapted itself to what we call New Pattern of Colonization.

A presente dissertação tem por objetivo analisar elementos que constituem a nação argelina presentes num dos principais romances da literatura magrebina de língua francesa: Nedjma, do escritor argelino Kateb Yacine. A obra foi publicada em 1956, época caracterizada pelas tensões decorrentes do início da guerra de independência (1954-1962) que dividiam o país em dois, entre aqueles que preferiam uma Argélia francesa e aqueles que não renunciavam à luta por uma nação independente. As rupturas decorrentes da colonização francesa e as diversas invasões ao longo de sua história marcam a narrativa do romance, cuja análise demonstra que Nedjma vem à luz para afirmar a singularidade argelina. Afinal, sua escrita se faz nos interstícios do conflito entre duas culturas distintas e revela o engajamento político de Kateb. Para o desenvolvimento da análise interpretativa, este trabalho apoia-se em teorias que problematizam as consequências da colonização para os povos submetidos a esse regime. / The present dissertation aims to analyze the elements that constitute the Algerian nation presented in one of the founding novels of Maghrebian literature in French: Nedjma, by the Algerian writer Kateb Yacine. The work was published in 1956, which was a period characterized by the tensions resulting from the beginning of the war of independence (1954- 1962) that divided the country into two, between those who preferred a French Algeria and those who did not stop struggling for an independent nation. The ruptures resulting from French colonization and the various invasions throughout its history mark the narrative of the novel, which analysis point out that Nedjma comes to light to show the Algerian singularity. Moreover, this novel is written under the conflicts between two different cultures and reveals Kateb´s political engagement. On the development of interpretive analysis, this paper draws on theories on the consequences of colonization for the people under this regime.

Esta tese discute a integração do mercado nacional, ocorrida no primeiro Governo Vargas (1930-1945), como importante fator para a construção de uma estrutura econômica de base industrial, que permitiu a entrada da economia brasileira em uma fase de grande desenvolvimento e crescimento econômicos. Enfoca, nesse processo, a função exercida pelos deslocamentos populacionais. A integração do mercado nacional reclamava a construção de um novo padrão de deslocamentos populacionais no país. Embora as características dos deslocamentos populacionais já estivessem se modificando, o Estado interveio nesse processo, mediante a elaboração de políticas específicas, visando aprofundar e acelerar a integração do mercado, inclusive a do mercado de trabalho. As políticas relativas aos deslocamentos populacionais, praticadas e elaboradas no primeiro Governo Vargas, evidenciam a intencionalidade desse governo em apoiar e impulsionar o desenvolvimento de um novo padrão de acumulação urbano-industrial. Mesmo que não tenham alcançado a concretização dos objetivos propostos, as políticas relativas aos deslocamentos populacionais, iniciadas no primeiro Governo Vargas, permitiram a constituição de bases sobre as quais se daria, embora com características relativamente diferentes, o significativo desenvolvimento econômico alcançado no pós-guerra. / This thesis argue the national market integration, that happened in the first government of Vargas (1930-1945), with great factor to the construction of economic structure of industrial base, that allowed the Brazilian economic into a time of great development and economic growth. In this process, the focus is on the work of the population displacement. The national market integration claimed the construction of a new standard of population displacement in the country. Despite of the characteristics of the populations displacement was already in modification, the State mediate on this process, because of the creation of specific polices, trying to go deep and accelerate the market integration, including the work market. The relative politics to the population displacement, practiced and created during the first government of Vargas, shows the intention of this government to support and impulse the development of a new standard of urban industrial accumulation. Even If they didnt achieve their objectives that were proposed, the politics related to the population displacement that started in the first government of Vargas, allowed the constitution of the bases that was going to be used, in spite of the characteristics relatively different, the significative economic development realized after the war.

Colonization adversely impacts the psychological health of the colonized. To heal psychologically, economically, and culturally and break chains of colonization in a post-colonial society, the colonized must be grounded in understanding and embrace of their cultural and historical heritage. This embrace and remembrance of the ancestors will inspire and create a spiritual and mental revolution. Prominent literary works from 16th to 20th century, such as Charles Chesnutt’s The Marrow of Tradition and "Dave’s Neckliss", William Shakespeare’s "The Tempest" and Aphra Behn’s Oroonoko, explore the psychological and cultural demise of people of African descent due to colonization and racial oppression. While these works give voice to spiritual leaders, ancestors, and bondaged individuals who strive to overcome and survive adverse circumstances Eurocentric society has imposed upon them, these texts also explore characters who kneel at the altar of White hegemony and embrace Whiteness as the Ark of God, even to the characters’ and their community’s safety and well-being. These I term Black Eurocentric Saviors, characters who sacrifice themselves and their community for safety and saving of Whites. Through application of French West Indian psychiatrist Frantz Fanon's theories of colonization which posits that imposed psychological domination of the colonized by Europeans cultivated the belief in White superiority and the subsequent desire for White approval and blessings by any means necessary, including worshipping Whiteness, betraying other persons of African descent, and/or willing to kill self or other Blacks for both the continued prosperity of White societies and gained prosperity for self. Chesnutt, Shakespeare, and Behn depict oppressed people who (un)consciously appear to embrace with open arms historical narratives and cultural traditions that relegate them to second-class citizens and are thus unable to nurture mythical origins and pride in their ancestral history and legacy. When they seek to conjure their African ancestors, they do so, not for their freedom or elevation, but for betterment of White society. Through the application of Fanon's theories on colonization to select literary works of Chesnutt, Shakespeare, and Behn's, this dissertation asserts that the diasporic African’s embrace of White superiority resulted and continues today in both real life and literature.