No description available.

Campus mediation programs (CMP's) experienced a rapid growth in higher education institutions from 18 programs in 1990 to more than 200 programs in 1998 (Warters, 2000). During that period, CMP's became a widely accepted approach for addressing conflict within US colleges and universities. However, recent data indicate that there are just over 100 programs which points to a decline and raises questions as to the value of campus mediation programs to higher education institutions. A hindrance to addressing the questions raised has been the limited amount of empirical research and published data on evaluation use within campus mediation programs. Accordingly, the purpose of this study was to gather information from US campus mediation program directors regarding their use of program evaluation in order to suggest ways to improve their evaluation efforts. Campus mediation program directors were surveyed on their perceptions of evaluation use in their respective programs. This study was conducted over a period of six months using a web-survey and follow-up telephone interviews. The web-based survey used in this study was adapted from an online campus mediation program survey developed by Rick Olshak and modified. The web-survey consisted of four sections: Demographics, Description of Services, Evaluation and Program Profile. The population consisted of 108 campus mediation program directors in US higher education institutions who were solicited for this study and agreed to participate. Of the 108 directors, there were a total of 59 respondents representing a 55% response rate. There were nine respondents who participated in a follow-up telephone interview. Data analysis for the research questions utilized rank order, frequencies, and averages; supplemental analyses utilized an independent samples t-test, one-way ANOVA's and Pearson correlations. Results indicated that evaluation received one of the lowest priority ranking as a program goal, however, most of the directors indicated that they would be very interested in learning different ways of improving their evaluation methods and having a standard evaluation process. The most prevalent concerns and recommendations from the telephone follow-up interviews focused on acquiring buy-in of administration and campus affiliates, improving program surveys, addressing budget cuts and decreasing high staff turnovers. / Educational Psychology

School safety is one of the most important issues facing administrators, teachers, and parents. Several risk factors have been identified as antecedents to aggression including poor social skills, difficulty dealing with anger and frustration, and inadequate problem solving abilities. No Child Left Behind requires all schools receiving Title IV funds to implement research based violence interventions. Second Step, an internationally recognized violence prevention curriculum published by Committee for Children was implemented in an urban elementary school with 66 African American students in grades 3 through 5 for 9 weeks. This study employed a randomized control group design with two treatment conditions; Second Step instruction and Second Step instruction with digital role-playing, an adaptation of digital storytelling, to increase program effectiveness and intensify student motivation. The School Social Behavior Scales-2 (Merrell, 2002) was used to assess differences in aggression and prosocial skills. MANOVA indicated significant differences for grade only. Older students had higher prosocial behavior scores and younger students had lower scores on the program's content assessment. Results indicated that the Second Step curriculum did not affect behavior. Although the benefits of teaching students to respond empathetically to others, solve problems, and control anger have been documented in the literature, the use of Second Step to accomplish these goals has not been supported. / Educational Psychology

En la actualidad los trabajadores del banco se enfrentan a diferentes desafíos y obstáculos en su trabajo diario, estos desafíos afectan a los colaboradores, siendo necesario que los gerentes tengan la capacidad de ver las formas de resolver los problemas y ofrecer un entorno saludable; por ello este estudio tuvo como objetivo general determinar la relación entre la resolución de conflictos y el clima laboral de los asesores de ventas y servicios del banco de crédito del Perú - Lambayeque 2020. Respecto a la metodología tuvo un enfoque cuantitativo, nivel correlacional y diseño no experimental, además, la muestra fue censal dado que estuvo conformada por 85 colaboradores. Por otro lado, se utilizó la prueba de Kilmann (1974) y CL- SPC - clima laboral de Sonia Palma Carrillo (2004) para medir las variables resolución de conflictos y clima laboral. En cuanto a los resultados se evidenció que los estilos competencia y complaciente se relacionan de manera negativa con el clima laboral porque el personal busca dominar los conflictos; mientras que el estilo de evasión, en el que se trata los problemas de manera diplomática mostró estar relacionado con mayores percepciones de un clima laboral adecuado. Por lo tanto, la empresa debe aprender a manejar los conflictos y brindar un entorno saludable. / At present, bank workers face different challenges and obstacles in their daily work. These challenges affect employees, making it necessary for managers to have the ability to see ways to solve problems and offer a healthy environment; For this reason, this study had the general objective of determining the relationship between conflict resolution and the work environment of the sales and services advisers of the Banco de Crédito del Perú -Lambayeque 2020.Regarding the methodology, it had a quantitative approach, correlational level and nonexperimental design, in addition, the sample was census since it was made up of 85 collaborators. On the other hand, the test of Kilmann (1974) and CL-SPC - work environment of Sonia Palma Carrillo (2004) were used to measure the variables conflict resolution and work environment. Regarding the results, it was evidenced that the competing and complacent styles are negatively related to the work environment because the staff seeks to dominate conflicts; while the avoidance style, in which problems are dealt with diplomatically, was shown to be related to greater perceptions of an adequate work environment. Therefore, the company must learn to manage conflict and provide a healthy environment.

Litteraturstudien undersöker hur medling fungerar som verktyg för att lösa interpersonellakonflikter på arbetsplatser samt hur empowerment påverkar de berörda parterna. Medling innebär att en eller flera neutrala parter assisterar de tvistande parterna att nå en överenskommelse. Litteraturstudien omfattar forskning publicerad mellan 2003 och 2022.Syftet är att undersöka upplevelserna av professionell medling i interpersonella konflikter på arbetsplatser samt hur medling fungerar för att lösa dessa konflikter. Litteraturstudien byggerpå systematisk genomgång av vetenskapliga artiklar där relevanta artiklar har analyserats genom tematisk analys. Resultaten visar att medling har möjligheter att förebygga konflikter och hjälpa parterna att lösa dessa konflikter. Medlingsprocessen ger individen en känsla av handlingsutrymme och makt då de tvistande parterna gemensamt arbetar fram lösningar på konflikten. Kritiken mot medling tar upp dess svårigheter att hantera maktobalanser. Medling kan maskera organisatoriska problem på arbetsplatsen och riskerar att underminera formella rättsprocesser när sådana skulle behövas.Slutsatserna av litteraturstudien är att medling har potentialen att fungera som ett verktyg för empowerment i interpersonella konflikter på arbetsplatser, men måste användas medmedvetenhet om dess begränsningar och risker.

Local Peace Committees (LPCs) have emerged as adequate infrastructures for fostering peace in conflict-affected countries. The role of LPCs in facilitating peacebuilding is recognized in countries like Kenya, Burundi and Colombia. However, a significant gap exists in our understanding of the factors that enhance LPCs' capacity to resolve pastoral communal conflicts. This thesis aims to fill this gap by addressing the question: Why are some Local Peace Committees able to resolve pastoral communal conflicts while others are not? I propose that LPCs that receive continuous external funding have an increased capacity to resolve communal conflict compared to those with limited external funding. To test this theoretical argument, I conduct a study on two LPCs in Kenya. The findings of my study provide moderate support to the hypotheses tested. I attribute this moderate support to the small sample size, methodological limitations, and other confounding variables, such as local ownership and the country's supportive political environment. This study underscores the need to investigate additional factors that contribute to the increased capacity of LPCs, such as non-financial support( training and workshops).

[pt] A interdependência entre Segurança e Desenvolvimento não é uma temática nova no cenário internacional. Por anos atores multilaterais, como a Organização das Nações Unidas, por exemplo, e nacionais vêm se ocupando desta conexão. No caso brasileiro, a temática do desenvolvimento faz parte das preocupações da política externa do País, de forma estruturada, desde a década de 1950. Ressalta-se, no entanto, que ao se falar em desenvolvimento, se pensava no desenvolvimento econômico do Brasil, em um discurso em que a ligação entre esse princípio e o da segurança buscava atrair mais investimentos para o crescimento da Nação. Circunstâncias domésticas e sistêmicas acabaram contribuindo para que, no início do século XXI, os tomadores de decisão da política externa brasileira passassem a defender a exportação da visão brasileira para o exterior, na tentativa de contribuir para que os diversos conflitos que se espalhavam no cenário internacional tivessem alcançassem a paz duradoura. Este é o enfoque principal deste trabalho. / [en] The security-development nexus is not a new topic on the international stage. For many years, multilateral actors, such as the United Nations, as well as many states have been concerned with this connection. Regarding Brazil, the development theme has been a concern for the country’s foreign policy, in a more structured way, since the 1950’s. It must be highlighted, however, that when talking about development this referred to Brazil’s economic development, in a manner where the security-development nexus meant trying to attract more investments to advance national economic expansion. Domestic and systemic circumstances ended up contributing, at the beginning of the 21st Century, to the export of a Brazilian view as an attempt to contribute to the resolution of several international conflicts. This is the main focus of this thesis.

[pt] A Guerra da Bósnia (1992-1995) foi finalizada com os Acordos de Dayton, que garantiram 49 porcento dos territórios aos sérvio- bósnios e 51 porcento aos bósnios muçulmanos e croata-bósnios. O pacto previa a construção de um Estado multiétnico, que garantisse a convivência pacífica após a carnificina que marcou a beligerância entre os três grupos. Apesar de garantir o fim de um dos mais sangrentos conflitos europeus desde o fim da Segunda Guerra Mundial, o acordo de paz parece não ter solucionado de fato os problemas que levaram os três grupos étnicos a entrar em conflito durante o processo de desintegração da Iugoslávia. Ou seja, o tratado deu fim à guerra, mas manteve um estado latente de beligerância entre as partes. Dentro de uma perspectiva de modelos de resolução de conflitos que critica uma abordagem tradicional e utilitária dos acordos firmados em Dayton, este trabalho analisa os acertos e equívocos dos primeiros sete anos de implementação do plano de paz, questionando a transferência da guerra para a arena política e, principalmente, a necessidade de manutenção da intermediação internacional para a convivência pacífica entre as comunidades formadoras da Bósnia pós-guerra. Para o desenvolvimento do trabalho, são questionados os tradicionais modelos de resolução de conflitos assim como a rigidez da solução estatal, de modo a apresentar outras saídas para a aproximação das partes que guerrearam e a possibilidade de uma nova comunidade política. / [en] The war in Bosnia (1992-1995) was finished with the Dayton Agreements that gave 49 percent of the territories to the Bosnian Serbs and 51 percent to the Bosniacs and Croatian Serbs. The pact previewed the creation of a multi-ethnic State that assured a peaceful living after the bloodshed that marked the conflict among the three groups. Despite the accomplishment of ending one of the most bloody European conflicts since the end of the Second World War, the peace agreement seems not to have really solved the problems that made the three ethnic groups confront themselves during the Yugoslavian disintegration process. It means that the accord ended the war, but kept a latent warring atmosphere among the parties. In a perspective of conflict resolutions models that criticizes a traditional and utilitarian approach of the agreements signed at Dayton, this work analyzes the rights and wrongs of the first seven years of the implementation process, questioning the transference of the war to the political arena and, specially, the prolonged international interference to keep the peaceful ambiance among the communities that forms the post-war Bosnia. For the development of this work, the traditional models of conflict resolution as well as the rigid State response are questioned, with the aim to present other outcomes to put the warring parties together, with the possibility of a new political community.

Thesis (MA (Political Science. International Studies))--University of Stellenbosch, 2010. / Bibliography / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Private Military and Security Companies (PMSCs) are fast becoming a permanent structure in international security. PMSCs are made up of two groups, namely Private Military Companies (PMCs) and Private Security Companies (PSCs). Antagonism towards their existence and involvement in African civil wars is the result of some damaging effects of PMSCs- more specifically PMCs- including misconceptions. Both PMCs and PSCs are compared to mercenaries and definitional issues plague the private security industry. Private Military and Security Companies however are legal entities, different to mercenaries. This is why PMCs are sometimes referred to as "corporate warriors". As private companies PMCs often fill the security gaps left by international responses to African civil wars. Their contracts with legitimate governments offer a cheap and effective end to the violence of civil war. In recent years the use of PMSCs has increased among both weak and strong states. Antipathy however remains the prominent attitude in the international community, thus challenging the use of PMSCs. From this point of view, they are a ¡°scourge¡± because PMCs are not only likened to mercenaries of old who fight for private gain, but the arguments are also that they undermine the sovereignty of weak states, that they are unaccountable to the citizens of these states, that they violate human rights, that they don't solve root causes and that they contribute to militarization. The increase of civil conflicts in Africa and the surplus of military professionals after the Second World War meant that mercenaries became involved in African liberation struggles. By the end of the Cold War however- in an era that favours liberal economic practices and privatisation- professional legal Private Military and Security Companies were established to supplement the security gap left at the end of the Cold War. As mentioned, these are legal companies that don.t breach international conventions; are accountable to some home state legislation's and brought peace to Angola and Sierra Leone. International responses to security concerns- especially those in Africa- are burdened by the plethora of complex civil conflicts that simultaneously demand attention from the United Nations. PMCs may be equipped to execute Chapter VII mandates of the UN Charter, as these deal with robust enforcement functions at a time when the West is reluctant to intervene. What is perhaps required is more accountability (also to host state legislation) and oversight. The services of PMCs are beneficial to a number of stakeholders. These include the states in which they are registered, the states in which they operate, the citizenry that they protect, and they are profitable to the shareholders of the PMCs and diamond and oil companies they are contracted to. It is thus the conclusion of this thesis that Private Military Companies provide a faster and more cost- effective option for peacemaking in Africa. As private companies they are not bound by protocols and conventions but they must satisfy the company and its shareholders. And although the use of Private Military Companies is not dependent on the regulation of the industry, the PMSC industry would benefit from more self- regulation in the market place. Thus with relevant and more effective regulation, PMCs could become Africa's solution to her civil conflicts. Unlike in the Ballesteros report, the UN has to recognise this role. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Private Militere- en Sekuriteitsmaatskappye (PMSMe) is vinnig besig om 'n permanente struktuur in privaatsekuriteit te word. Skadelike uitwerkings van hierdie PMSMe, wanpersepsies ingesluit, is 'n gevolg van die antagonisme teenoor die maatskappye en hul betrokkenheid in burgeroorloë. PMSMe word met huursoldate vergelyk en gevolglik word die privaatsekuriteitsindustrie met kwessies rondom definiering gekwel. PMSMe, anders as huursoldate, is egter wettige entiteite. Om hierdie rede word PMSMe dikwels as "korporatiewe krygsmanne" (corporate warriors) beskryf. PMSMe, as private maatksappye, vul dikwels die sekuriteitsgapings wat deur die internasionale reaksies tot burgeroorloë in Afrika gelaat is. Hul kontrakte met legitieme regerings bied 'n goedkoop en effektiewe middel om die geweld van burgeroorloë te beëindig. Die gebruik van PMSMe het, gedurende die afgelope jare, in beide swak- en sterk state toegeneem. Antipatie dien steeds as in vername afkeur in die internasionale gemeenskap. Dit daag dus die gebruik van PMSMe uit. Hulle word steeds met huursoldate in die internasionale gemeenskap verwar. Terselfdertyd word geargumenteer dat PMSMe die soewereiniteit van swak regerings ondermyn, dat hulle nie verantwoordbaar aan die burgers van hierdie state is nie, dat hulle inbreuk maak op menseregte, dat hulle nie die kernoorsake van konflik oplos nie, en dat hulle tot militarisering bydra. Die toename in burgerlike konflikte in Afrika, tesame met die oorskot militêre vakkundiges na die Tweede Wereldoorlog, het gemaak dat huursoldate in Afrika se vryheidstryde betrokke geraak het. Teen die einde van die Koue Oorlog - gedurende 'n tydperk waar liberale ekonomiese praktyke en privatisering voorrang geniet het - was professionele wettige PMSMe byderhand om die sekuriteitsgaping aan te vul. Hierdie is dus wettige maatskappye wat nie internasionale konvensies skend nie, wat verantwoordbaar is aan sekere tuisstaatwetgewing, en wat vrede in Angola en Sierra Leone meegebring het. Internasionale reaksies tot sekuriteitskwessies - veral die sigbaar in Afrika - word deur 'n oormaat van komplekse burgerlike konflikte, wat gelyktydig aandag van die Verenigde Nasies (VN) verg, belas. Hiervolgens is dit moontlik dat PMSMe wel toegerus mag wees om Hoofstuk II-mandate van die VN Handves uit te voer. Die rede hiervoor is dat die PMSMe wel toegerus is om robuuste toepassings funksies te verrig. Dit het veral vorendag gekom gedurende 'n tydperk toe die Weste huiwerig was om by sekuriteitskwessies in te meng. Hoer vlakke van verantwoordbaarheid en oorsig word moontlik meer vereis. Die dienste van PMSMe is voordelig vir vele belanghebbendes. Hierdie sluit die state in waar hul gekontrakteer het, die state waarin hulle optree, die burgers wat hulle beskerm, die winsgewendherd vir aandeelhouers van die PMSMe en die diamant- en oliemaatskappye deur wie hul gekontrakteer mag wees om installasies te beskerm. Die gevolgtrekking van hierdie tesis is dus dat PMSMe 'n vinniger en meer koste-effektiewe opsie vir vredemaking in Afrika bied. Al is die gebruik van PMSMe nie afhanklik van die regulering van die industrie nie, sal die PMSMe-industrie by 'n verhoging in self-regulering in daardie sektore baat vind. Met relevante en meer effektiewe markregulering, kan PMSMe dus as 'n oplossing in Afrika se burgerlike konflik dien. Anders as in die Ballesteros verslag, sal die VN dit moet erken.

Thesis (MA)--University of Stellenbosch, 2011. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The emergence and rapid growth of the private security industry in the 1990s followed from the downsizing of the armed forces in the aftermath of the Cold War and the development of new security threats which increased demand for military manpower and expertise. This has led to a redefinition of security strategies and the restructuring of armed forces by Western governments, which has resulted in the elimination of non-core activities from the functions of many armed forces. Recently it has been argued that the private security industry can challenge what previously was believed to be a primary responsibility of states, namely to take on peacebuilding initiatives and support to other peace operations. This study seeks to assess the impact of the private security industry in peacebuilding efforts in African conflicts. The study suggests that the private security industry have taken on a much stronger role in conflicts world wide since the 1990s, and that its activities have significantly changed. Companies such as MPRI and DynCorp have managed to keep close contact with their home governments, which arguably has been a crucial factor to their growing business. Furthermore, the private security industry have sought to distance itself from the negative connotations associated with mercenaries and the activities of companies such as Executive Outcomes in the 1990s, by avoiding operations involving elements of direct combat. This has been illustrated through the extensive case study of the activities of three private military and security companies: Executive Outcomes, MPRI and DynCorp. Furthermore, this thesis has confirmed an increased presence of the United States on the African continent post-9/11, illustrated by the presence of American-based private military and security companies which arguably are being used as proxies for US foreign policy purposes. Furthermore, this study has discussed the various implications the private security industry has on the traditional notion of the state’s monopoly on the legitimate use of force. This thesis has argued that the legitimate use to exercise violence is in the process of devolution from governments to other actors, which the extensive growth of the private security industry illustrates. Additionally, it has been argued that the privatisation of military and security services can harm the reliable delivery of essential services in conflict. Furthermore, the findings of this thesis has highlighted the dilemma that many countries do not want stricter regulation or elimination of the private security industry for the reason that these companies are viewed as valuable assets in fulfilling foreign policy objectives that for various reasons cannot be fulfilled by national armies. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die opkoms en vinnige groei van die privaatsekuriteitsbedryf in die 1990s was die gevolg van die afskaling van gewapende magte in die nasleep van die Koue Oorlog en die ontwikkeling van nuwe sekuriteitsbedreigings, wat die aanvraag na militêre arbeidskragte en kundigheid verhoog het. Dit het aanleiding gegee tot ’n herdefiniëring van sekuriteitstrategieë en die herstrukturering van gewapende magte deur Westerse regerings, met die gevolg dat niekernaktiwiteite van die funksies van talle gewapende magte uitgesluit is. Daar is onlangs aangevoer dat die privaatsekuriteitsbedryf aanspraak kan maak op ’n funksie wat voorheen as die primêre verantwoordelikheid van regerings beskou is, naamlik om vredesinisiatiewe en steun aan ander vredesverrigtinge te onderneem. Die doel van hierdie studie was om die impak van die privaatsekuriteitsbedryf in vredesinisiatiewe in Afrika-konflikte te assesseer. Daar word aan die hand gedoen dat die privaatsekuriteitsbedryf sedert die 1990’s ’n baie groter rol in wêreldwye konflikte gespeel het, en dat die aktiwiteite van hierdie bedryf aanmerklik verander het. Maatskappye soos MPRI en DynCorp was suksesvol daarin om nabye kontak met hul tuisregerings te behou, wat stellig ’n deurslaggewende faktor in hul groeiende besighede was. Voorts het die privaatsekuriteitsbedryf gepoog om hom te distansieer van die negatiewe konnotasies wat met huursoldate en die aktiwiteite van maatskappye soos Executive Outcomes in die 1990’s geassosieer is deur bedrywighede wat elemente van direkte stryd inhou, te vermy. Hierdie poging is geïllustreer deur die omvattende gevallestudie van die aktiwiteite van drie privaat militêre en sekuriteitsmaatskappye: EO, MPRI en DynCorp. Die bevindinge van die studie bevestig voorts die Verenigde State van Amerika (VSA) se toenemende teenwoordigheid op die Afrika-vasteland ná 9/11, wat duidelik blyk uit die teenwoordigheid van Amerikaansgebaseerde privaat militêre en sekuriteitsmaatskappye wat stellig as volmag gebruik word vir die VSA se buitelandsebeleidsdoelstellings. Die verskeie implikasies van die privaatsekuriteitsbedryf vir die tradisionele siening van die regerings se monopolie ten opsigte van die wettige gebruik van magte word ook in die studie bespreek. Daar word aangevoer dat die wettige gebruik van geweld in die proses van devolusie is vanaf regerings na ander rolspelers, wat deur die omvattende groei van die privaatsekuriteitsbedryf bevestig word. Daar word verder ook beweer dat die privatisering van militêre en sekuriteitsdienste die betroubare lewering van noodsaaklike dienste tydens konflik kan benadeel. Die studie se bevindinge werp ook lig op die dilemma dat talle lande strenger regulering of uitskakeling van die privaatsekuriteitsbedryf teëstaan omdat hierdie maatskappye beskou word as waardevolle bates in die bereiking van buitelandsebeleidsdoelwitte, wat vir verskeie redes nie deur nasionale leërs bereik kan word nie.