Tiivistelmä Tausta ja tavoitteet: Tarkastelun kohteena on modernisaatio yhteiskunnallis-historiallisena oppimisena. Tavoitteena on osoittaa kriittisen teorian kasvatustieteellinen merkitys yhteiskunnallisena kasvatus- ja sivistysdiskurssina. Teoreettiset lähtökohdat: Filosofista argumentaatiota ja dialektista sivistysteoriaa kehitellään kriittisen teorian käsittein, jotka ovat peräisin Theodor W. Adornon, Max Horkheimerin ja Herbert Marcusen filosofioista. Yhteiskunnallis-historiallisen oppimisen teoria perustuu Jürgen Habermasin, Klaus Ederin ja Axel Honnethin ajatteluun sekä Michel Foucault'n tiedon ja vallan sekä totuuden politiikan käsitteisiin. Vallan ja moraalin dialektiikka toimii sisällöllisenä jännitteenä. Pääongelmat: 1) Millä perusteilla modernisaatio käsitteellistyy yhteiskunnallis-historiallisena oppimisena, demokratisoitumisena ja tasa-arvoistumisena ja mikä on ollut koulutuksen ja kasvatuksen merkitys näissä prosesseissa? 2) Miten yhteiskunnallis-historiallinen oppiminen, demokratisoituminen ja tasa-arvoistuminen ovat toteutuneet kansallissosialistisen totuuden politiikan ja sitä seuranneiden, demokratisoimiseen tähdänneiden uudelleenkoulutusohjelmien valossa? 3) Miten tieteellisen tiedon ja vallan yhdistelmä ovat vaikuttaneet yhteiskunnallis-historialliseen oppimiseen, demokratisoitumiseen ja tasa-arvoistumiseen? Metodologia ja metodit: Tutkimuksessa kehitellään ja sovelletaan dialektista metodologiaa sekä filosofiseen että historialliseen tutkimukseen. Toteutus: Filosofinen osuus toteutettiin kriittisen teorian, habermasilaisen kommunikatiivisen toiminnan teorian ja foucault'laisen valtadiskurssin välisenä argumentaationa. Historiallinen osuus toteutettiin arkistotutkimuksena. Theodor W. Adornon, Max Horkheimerin ja Herbert Marcusen arkistojen materiaali on kulttuurihistoriallisesti merkittävä kansallissosialistisen ajan ja sodan jälkeisen ajan (1930–1960) tutkimuksen kannalta. Tulokset: 1) Modernisaatio käsitteellistyy perustellusti yhteiskunnallis-historiallisena oppimisena ja yhteiskunnallisten patologioiden oppimisena. Modernisaatio ei yksiselitteisesti määrity demokratisoitumisena ja tasa-arvoistumisena. Kasvatus ja koulutus jäsentyvät kriittisessä teoriassa keskeisinä yhteiskunnallisen oppimisen, demokratian ja tasa-arvon edistäjinä. Historiallinen tutkimus todistaa kasvatuksen ja koulutuksen tasa-arvoistavaa vaikutusta vastaan. Uudelleenkasvatuksella ja muodollisilla uudelleenkoulutusohjelmilla oli kuitenkin kiistatta demokratisoivaa vaikutusta. Poliittis-moraaliset oppimisprosessit asetettiin merkittäviksi tavoitteiksi toisen maailmansodan jälkeisessä kansainvälisessä koulutuspolitiikassa. Ihmisarvoon vetoava julkipolitiikka ei kuitenkaan onnistunut kitkemään Auschwitziin johtaneiden prosessien patologioita historian syvätasolta. Jälkikonventionaaliset, inhimillisyyteen ja ihmisten väliseen diskurssiin perustuvat moraaliset oppimisprosessit eivät ole toteutuneet, vaikka 1960-luvun sukupolvikonflikti saikin aikaan syvälle käyvän arvomurroksen. Taloudellis-teknologisilla oppimisprosesseilla on edelleen valta-asema. 2) Modernin tieteen itseymmärrys on perustunut välineelliseen ja laskelmoivaan järkiperäisyyteen. Moraaliset kysymykset on laiminlyöty. Tiedon ja vallan yhteenliittymä on kyennyt vain vähän edistämään demokratisoitumista ja tasa-arvoistumista. Kriittiseen intressiin perustuvat diskurssit ovat vaatineet demokratiaa ja emansipatorista kasvatusta. Siirtymä kansallissosialistisesta demokratisoivaan totuuden politiikkaan ei toteutunut tieteellis-diskursiivisen vastarinnan kautta, vaan se toteutui tiedeyhteisölle ulkopuolisen valtarégimen sotilaallisen vaihdoksen kautta. Tämä mahdollisti kriittisen argumentaation ja demokraattisen tiedeinstituution diskursiiviset valtakamppailut. 3) Tutkimuksen perusteella ei voida väittää, että välineellisen järkiperäisyyden suuntaamat oppimisprosessit olisivat korvautuneet kommunikatiivisen järjellisyyden suuntaamilla. Perusteltua on sen sijaan väittää, että kommunikatiivisen järjellisyyden suuntaiset oppimisprosessit asettuivat tavoittelemisenarvoisiksi toisen maailmansodan jälkeisessä kansainvälisessä politiikassa, jossa korostettiin kasvatuksen ja koulutuksen merkitystä. Foucault'lainen valtadiskurssi ei kyennyt avaamaan moraalisesti kestäviä toiminnallisia näköaloja toisin kuin habermasilainen diskurssi. Tulosten hyödynnettävyys ja tutkimuksen merkitys: Tutkimustuloksia on mahdollista hyödyntää koulutuspoliittisesti demokratia- ja tasa-arvokeskustelun kannalta sekä teoreettis-metodologisesti eurooppalaisen ajattelun tuntemuksen, kasvatustieteellisen teorianmuodostuksen, kasvatuksen historian sekä vertailevan tutkimuksen kannalta.

L’enseignement secondaire, bien que n’accueillant qu’une minorité des garçons d’une classe d’âge, est conçu au XIXe siècle comme le point central de la construction d’une instruction publique. Cela fait des établissements secondaires publics un observatoire privilégié de la scolarisation et de l’action publique scolaire avant la IIIe République. Dans cette perspective, cette thèse étudie la transformation, entre 1830 et 1876, de 45 collèges gérés par les communes en lycées administrés par l’État. L’appréhension de ces conversions s’organise autour de trois axes de recherche principaux. En premier lieu, l’étude des rôles et des obligations de chacun des acteurs de l’enseignement secondaire met en évidence les motivations scolaires, mais également financières et urbaines des transformations. Les contenus des projets d’appropriation des collèges à leur fonction de lycée montrent, en suite, la portée des exigences ministérielles et les ajustements au cours du siècle aux contraintes locales. L’étude des modalités pratiques de la transformation d’un collège communal en lycée représente un dernier axe de recherche. Le déroulement des travaux, les conditions nécessaires pour l’ouverture d’un lycée et les changements dans le personnel et dans les profils de fréquentation rendent compte des effets de transition entre les deux statuts ainsi que des ambitions conçues pour les nouveaux lycées. Anciens collèges, ceux-ci ne sont pas pensés comme de futurs grands lycées mais permettent à l’État de consolider son offre d’enseignement. / French nineteenth century secondary education may only be frequented by a small fraction of young boys, it is nonetheless the focal point of the public education in construction, which allows to consider public secondary schools as a privileged observatory of schooling and public policy before the IIIrd Republic. In this regard, this dissertation studies the transformation, between 1830 and 1880, of 45 collèges managed by town councils into lycées administrated by the state. These conversions are studied through three lines of research. First of all, the analysis of the roles and obligations of each of the actors involved in the process brings to light the educational motivations of the transformations, as well as their financial and urban ones. Secondly, the contents of the projects developed to enable the collèges to undertake their new status of lycées show the scope of governmental requirements but also the how adjustments can be made to suit local configurations. Lastly, the practical arrangements, the necessary conditions for the opening of the lycées, the changes made in the directors and teachers and the evolution of the attendance demonstrate the effects of the transition between two status on a pre-established category and the place assigned for the new lycées. Former collèges, they are not conceived as future great lycées but allow the State to strengthen its schooling network.

<p> Institutional accreditation in the last decades has been studies as an important assessment that ensures the quality of higher education institutions. The growth of the economy around the world has placed value on evaluating universities&rsquo; accountability and effectiveness. Therefore, one of the most significant current discussions in higher education institutions is obtaining international accreditation. Consequently, Saudi Arabia&rsquo;s institutional accreditation system is seeking to improve higher education institutions&rsquo; quality assurance and accountability by preparing them for international accreditation. However, only 12 universities out of 34 have been accredited at the institutional level by the NCAAA. As a result, one of the major challenges facing Saudi institutions is their ability to meet accreditation standards concerning institutional effectiveness, governance, and leadership. Therefore, this quantitative study examined the extent to which Saudi universities prepare for international accreditation in the areas of governance and leadership. A comparison of accredited and non-accredited universities was done using a Mann-Whitney U test based on faculty and administrators&rsquo; perceptions of leadership and governance. The study concluded that Saudi universities are prepared to meet international institutional accreditation standards in the areas of governance and leadership. An effective strategy is needed to promote the accreditation process successfully. </p><p>

This thesis enquires into the kinds of citizenship taught and learned in formal and informal settings of citizenship education in Scotland. There has been a ‘perceived’ crisis in democratic citizenry in the UK and elsewhere across the world since the 1990s and this has brought about renewed interests in citizenship education whereby young people are a specifically targeted group. Yet, citizenship education is a fundamentally contested domain where conflicting and contrasting ideologies co-exist and the Scottish version of ‘education for global citizenship’ is an archetypal example of this. By exploring similarities and differences between accounts of ‘what adult practitioners do’ and ‘what young people learn’ in each setting, the thesis emphasises tensions and challenges of citizenship education and their implications for the wider debates about the complex relationship between citizenship, democracy and education. The thesis deploys a synthesised theoretical framework for differentiating and analysing the types of education and learning that are legitimate points of reference in citizenship education for democratic life. It distinguishes between approaches to education for citizenship that focuses on membership of the community (relationships and service work in communities), formal political participation (political literacy in terms of institutions, processes and procedures) entrepreneurial citizenship (employability skills and economic participation) and social and political activism (the commitment and capacity to think critically and act collectively to realise the inherent goals of democracy). These different approaches entail a broad ideological mix of civic republicanism, liberalism and neoliberalism which informs citizenship education. The increasing emphasis on economic participation in educational contexts resonates with what can be termed as a neoliberal version of ‘responsiblised citizenship’ that promotes an individualised and depoliticised conception of citizenship by equipping young people with knowledge, skills and experiences to get on and get into the labour market through their own individual efforts rather than being concerned with the collective needs and interests of young people. Formal education and, to some extent informal community education, tend to overlook the de facto issues, experiences and contributions of young people as engaged citizens and the need to focus on the commitment and capacity to think critically and act collectively in order to realise the inherent goals of democracy as an unfinished project. Consequently, the experience of citizenship education is one young people often feel marginal to or marginalised from. This thesis challenges the dominant assumption of ‘disengaged youth’ to focus instead on the democratic deficit at the heart of citizenship teaching and learning. Along with the ‘invited’ spaces of citizenship education, in both formal and informal settings, the goal of democracy should include the ‘invented’ spaces of citizenship learning which reflects the lived experience, concerns and aspirations of young people.

In Corey Brettschneider’s book, Democratic Rights: The Substance of Self- Government, he builds the value theory of democracy wherein procedural and substantive rights are both grounded in the core values of democracy. In his second book, When the State Speaks, What Should It Say? How Democracies Can Protect Expression and Promote Equality, Brettschneider elaborates on his theory to provide an account of how a liberal democracy can address hateful and discriminatory views. In response to both theories, critics have charged that the ideal value democracy does not sufficiently account for systemic inequalities that women and black citizens face. In this paper, I will elaborate on his theory of democratic education and argue that this necessary development can address these critics’ concerns.

<p> This research explores Hmong parents&rsquo; choices and experiences in choosing district provided educational programs that provide instruction in Hmong language for their children. The study involved interviews with district employees who have created, implemented and/or teach in district provided Hmong language programs. These interviews were followed by focus group interviews with Hmong parents about the choices and experiences of district provided Hmong language programs. Findings were that administrators were deeply committed to providing Hmong language programs to serve students identity and to provide an additive model of bilingualism that promotes the students English language learning as well as mother tongue learning; Hmong parents are very worried about potential language loss of their children&rsquo;s Hmong language and they are actively looking for more Hmong language opportunities for their children; parents are very happy with Hmong language programs provided by district and want to see those programs expanded.</p><p>

The specific aim of this dissertation is to formulate and examine the discursive constructions of “the good teacher” in a specific discursive practice in the media arena. The broader aim is to participate in a discussion about the relationship between the media and education, including education policy. The discursive practice that is studied is the Swedish daily newspaper Dagens Nyheter. The material underlying the study consists of articles published on the editorial and comment pages of the paper during the 1990s, a decade when the Swedish education system underwent some major changes. In the first part of the empirical study, the articles included are categorised, first according to the debates constituted and then according to five themes related to the position of the teacher. The second part of the empirical study focuses on education as it is constructed in the discursive practice examined, progressing step by step towards achieving the specific aim of the study. The findings here include the following: a situation for education is established which involves a clear distinction between two different ways of perceiving education; a space of possibility for schooling is opened which excludes certain issues; a preferred school is formed in which priority is given to subject knowledge and order; distinct subject positions are offered to different figures in education, including teachers who are given an authoritative voice and educational researchers who are not; and finally the “good teacher” constructed is an expert who bears and transmits subject knowledge and a proponent of traditional values who manages to individualise teaching. It is also found in the study that a conservative discourse serves to provide an illness for a remedy that is put forward by a neo-liberal discourse, and that media logic is at work in the framing of educational issues in the practice studied.

The specific interest of this dissertation is to analyze and discuss the Swedish political struggle of defining the purposes and aims of higher education during the time period 1992-2007. Underlying this specific interest is a broader interest to take part in a multifold discussion concerning the role of higher education in relation to issues of societal and democratic development and of individual identity and citizenship, in times defined in terms of globalization and pluralism. The study takes its point of departure in discourse theory that directs the research interest to language use and the analysis of the political struggle as a contested discursive practice. The main aims of the study are: (I) To analyze the different discourses concerning the purposes and aims of higher education that are (re)articulated in the political struggle. (II) To analyze how the subject student is positioned in the different discourses. (III) To discuss hegemonic tendencies within the political struggle. The material studied in the dissertation consists of national and European policy texts, including government bills, official government inquiries, departmental reports and declarations from the Bologna process. From the analysis four discourses and subject positions provided for the student are constructed and derived; the classical academic discourse and the critically trained student; the discourse of globalization and the employable student; the discourse of democracy and the actively participating student; and finally the discourse of individual identity and the reflexive student. From the analysis it is concluded that it is possible to observe a variation in language use – in terms of the occurrence of (re)articulation of the different discourses – in the 1990s and the beginning of the 21st century in the political struggle. The closer one gets to 2007 the more this variation in language use is reduced, and the narrower definitions of the purposes and aims of higher education one finds, owing to the hegemonic tendencies of the discourse of globalization. It is also concluded that national politics then assume a more bureaucratic shape and guide itself towards administration of supranational (European) definitions.

<p> The purpose of this qualitative research was to explore how self-identified academically successful students perceived their nonresident African American fathers&rsquo; involvement in their education and to determine ways to encourage paternal participation in schools. Joyce Epstein&rsquo;s Six Types of Parental Involvement Typology was used as assess how the nonresident African American fathers were involved in their children&rsquo;s education. The research design used for this study was a basic interpretive qualitative approach. Participants in this study were students who attend or have previously graduated from a four-year university or college. There were 25 participants in the study. The students were 18&ndash;23 years of age. The data collection method for the study was in the form of a 60-minute in-depth interview with each participant. Semistructured interview questions were used to collect information for the study. </p><p> Data obtained from the interviews revealed eight themes: (a) encouragement, (b) breaking the cycle, (c) sports, (d) help with schoolwork, (e) offering advice, (f) financial assistance, (g) phone calls, and (h) helping others with similar struggles. The participants revealed that their fathers were not involved directly in their schools, as measured according to Epstein&rsquo;s six types of parent involvement, but rather the fathers were involved in indirect ways in accordance to Dewey&rsquo;s view on education. </p><p> Two of the themes were more participant based: (a) the need to break the cycle of paternal absence, so that their children would not grow up without knowing their fathers; and (b) the desire to be of some support and to offer assistance to others going through the same struggle of not having their fathers in their lives. </p><p> The findings revealed that the involvement of the nonresident African American fathers in this study did not conform to Epstein&rsquo;s parental involvement model, but rather their involvement was indirectly involved in their children&rsquo;s education. Physical absence of the father does not mean that he is not important, but rather that various factors may hinder his involvement with his children. Schools should make a conscious effort to foster relationships between fathers and their children. Nonresident African American fathers can make a difference.</p><p>

This dissertation reports on a qualitative study of school leadership with nine secondary-school headteachers (of maintained schools) or principals (of academy-type schools) in England. The project maps schooling provision and offers an empirical account of leaders’ identities and practices in neoliberal and neoconservative times. Informed by a critical policy-scholarship methodology, documentary data from primary and secondary sources supplement narrative and semi-structured interviews conducted over 18 months. The findings are reported in five journal articles and one book chapter. The first output maps school types through different lenses: legal status; curriculum; selection; types of academy; and school groupings. The mapping highlights the intersections between the reform agenda and historical diversity. I conceptualise the landscape holistically through locus of legitimacy and branding, arguing that diversification policies facilitate corporatised and religious interests. Second, I show how UTCs and studio schools construct children’s abilities as fixed and differentiable in terms of predicted economic value. They select, but the responsibility for this, following Bourdieu, is transferred discursively from the school through branding and habitus to the “consumers” where it is to be misrecognised as exercising ‘school choice’. Third, I typologise three effects on heads’ and principals’ agency and identities of a few elite multi-academy trust principals, or courtiers, who have won regional empires through expanding their academy chains to occupy the spaces opened up by the dismantling of LAs. Public-sector and school-leader identities and histories permit the promotion of their activities as “school led” and downplays their close relationship with central-state policy makers and private-sector networks. Fourth, I argue that corporatised leadership in schools in England is being promoted through new actors and new types of school. Corporatised leadership is characterised inter alia by the promotion of business interests and the adoption of business-derived leadership practices and identities. I use Bourdieu’s concept of field to explain the impact of business on educational leadership and the dissonance between leaders and led. Fifth, I argue with Gunter that school leaders are removing those who embody or vocalise alternative conceptualisations of educator by eradicating ‘inadequate’ teaching,and implementing the leader’s ‘vision’. We deploy Arendtian thinking to show how current models of school leadership enable totalitarian practices to become ordinary. Sixth, I develop Bourdieu’s concept of hysteresis through narratives from two heads to argue that rather than simply being an effect of change, hysteresis may be an actively sought outcome whereby the state intervenes to deprivilege welfarist headteachers and privilege corporatised principals through structurally facilitating their habitus and mandating its dispositions for the field. Collectively, these findings demonstrate how the diversification of provision in England and the demands of a performative, marketised regime have ontological and professional stakes for school leaders and for the led. Symbolic and economic capital is accruing to the capitalised, facilitated by corporate practices and corporate structural solutions through acquisitions and alliances. Resistance is possible, but a dissident habitus limits standing in the field. This hierarchisation is reflected in the relationship between school types and in how children are meant to self-select into that provision. This is a landscape constituted of positions, where pupils are expected to know their place and the purpose of education is to facilitate social segregation for economic efficiency.